FANEUIL 


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WHO  ARE  IIS  CONSERIATOliS? 


THE  STORY 

OF  THE 

VICTORIA  JUBILEE  BANQUET 

RETOLD 

FOR  'IHE 

BENEFIT  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PUBLIC. 

WITH  A SKETCH  OF  THE 

FORMATION  AND  PRINCIPLES 

OF  THE 


British  - American  Association. 


'OFFICERS 


OF  THE 

British- American  Association. 

President,  JAS.  WEMTSS,  Jr. 

Treasurer,  J.  H.  STAEK, 

Secretary,  A.  G.  THOMPSON. 


Vice  Presidents  : 

R.  B.  Leuchars.  \Vm.  Lumb. 

Henry  Arnold.  Henry  Cornell. 

Dr.  Disbrow.  E.  W.  Bradbury. 

Robt.  Bleakie.  W.  J.  Symons. 

John  Kinnear.  S.  R.  Priest. 

Dr.  W.  Bryden.  Dr.  A.  C.  Howard. 

C.  Chaplin.  J.  S.  Roberts. 

Chas.  Downer.  VV.  E.  Tait. 

J.  J.  Ewing.  W.  Spragg. 

F.  H.  Kennedy.  W.  Wilson. 

Chas.  Williams.  E.  Orchard. 

J.  B.  Grant.  P.  C.  Anderson. 

W.  Wood.  W.  J.  B.  Oxley. 


A DECLARATION  OF  PRINCIPLES. 


The  British-American  Association  feels  it  a duty  to 
place  on  record  the  considerations  which  have  deter- 
mined its  creation,  to  set  before  the  American  people  the 
principles  which  it  seeks  to  establish  and  maintain,  and 
the  methods  it.proposes  to  employ. 

Recent  events  in  this  city  have  demonstrated  the  fact 
that  a large  number  of  citizens,  mainly  of  foreign  birth, 
have  attempted  to  make  sympathy  with  their  alien  agita- 
tions the  measure  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  other 
foreign  born  citizens  of  this  country. 

! The  Association  desires  emphatically  to  repudiate  all 
connection  with  foreign  agitators  of  any  kind  whatsoever, 

1 declares  that  these  have  no  place  in  American  politics, 

I and  that  the  systematic  abuse  of  the  rights  of  citizenship 
by  a certain  class  of  adventurers  is  a real  danger  and  little 
short  of  a disgrace  to  the  American  Republic. 

The  Association  maintains  first,  last  and  always  its  loyal 
I acceptance  of  and  adherence  to  the  principles  of  the 
I Constitutions  of  the  United  States  and  the  Commonwealth 
of  Massachusetts,  and  its  determination  to  know  no  other 
test  of  fitness  in  those  who  seek  citizenship  than  a loyal 
I acceptance  of  these  principles  and  an  honest  renunciation 
j of  and  disassociation  from  foreign  politics  and  alien  agita- 
' tions. 

I It  will  oppose  to  the  utmost  of  its  ability  and  seek  to 
I create  an  effective  public  sentiment  against  any  and  every 
attempt  to  use  the  public  offices  of  the  State  and  City  to 
bolster  up  the  interest  of  foreign  agitators  and  professional 
I patriots,  and  to  set  the  tide  of  popular  feeling  against  the 
' prostitution  of  official  position  in  that  direction. 


4 


BritisH'American  Association. 


It  declares  that  the  highest  office  of  the  State  and  City, 
those  of  the  Governor  and  Mayor,  are  too  honorable  to  be 
dragged  at  the  heels  of  reckless,  hysterical  leaders  of  an 
agitation  which  has  little  higher  aim  than  the  transfer  of 
American  dollars  from  the  pockets  of  its  dupes  to  the 
purses  of  political  adventurers  in  other  countries,  or  the 
creation  of  ill-feeling  between  the  United  States  and  a 
country  with  which  it  is  at  peace. 

The  Association  emphatically  declares  its  abiding  faith 
in  the  public  school  system,  unfettered  by  any  denomin 
ational  or  religious  restrictions,  as  the  chief  element  in 
the  perpetuation  of  the  Republic,  and  declares  its  hostility 
to  all  measures,  men  or  influences  who  seek  to  antagonize 
the  healthy  influence  of  the  Massachusetts  common 
school  system. 

As  the  question  is  of  permanent  importance  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  Republic,  the  British-American  Association  is 
fully  content  to  stand  on  the  same  platform  with  the  late 
General  Grant ; and  repeat  his  emphatic  words  at  the 
re-union  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  at  Des  Moines, 
Iowa,  in  1875  : 

“If  we  are  to  have  another  contest  in  the  near  future  of  our 
national  existence,  I predict  that  the  dividing  line  will  not  be 
Mason  and  Dixop’s  but  between  patriotism  and  intelligence  on 
the  one  side  and  superstition,  ambition,  and  ignorance  on  the  other. 
Now,  in  this  centennial  year  of  our  existence,  I believe  it  a good 
time  to  begin  the  work  of  strengthening  the  foundation  of  the  house 
commenced  by  our  patriotic  fathers  one  hundred  years  ago,  at 
Concord  and  Lexington.  Let  us  all  labor  to  add  all  needful 
guarantees  for  the  more  perfect  security  of  free  thought,  free 
speech,  and  free  press;  of  pure  morals,  unfettered  religious  sen- 
timents, and  of  equal  rights  and  privileges  to  all  men,  irrespective 
of  nationality,’  color,  or  religion.  Encourage  free  schools,  and 
resolve  that  not  one  dollar  of  money  appropriated  to  their  support, 
no  matter  how  raised,  shall  be  appropriated  to  the  support  of  any 
sectarian  school.  Resolve  that  neither  the  state  nor  nation,  nor  both 
combined,  shall  support  institutions  of  learning  other  than  those 
sufficient  to  afford  every  child  growing  up  in  the  land  the  opportunity 
of  agoodcommon-school  education,  unmixedwith  sectarian, pagan, 
or  atheistical  tenets.  Leave  the  matter  of  religion  to  the  family  altar, 
the  church,  and  the  private  school,  supported  entirely  by  private 
contribution.  Keep  the  church  and  state  forever  separate.” 

The  Association  declares  its  intention  to  use  every 
honorable  means  to  induce  residents  of  British  origm  to 


British- American  Association. 


5 


become  citizens.  To  this  end  it  will  disseminate  informa- 
tion that  will  enable  such  persons  to  intelligently  and 
fully  comprehend  the  duties  and  obligations  of  good 
citizenship,  and  will  urge  as  a vital  principle  that  no  man 
can  serve  two  masters,  and  that  a citizenship  which  is  only 
used  as  a means  of  international  offence  is  a danger  rather 
than  a help  to  the  United  States. 

The  Association  is  aware  that  a large  number  of  British 
residents  of  Boston  and  the  State  are  not  yet  naturalized. 
It  desires  to  impress  upon  such  the  duty  of  considering 
and  coming  to  a decision  on  the  matter,  while  it  distinctly 
asserts  that  a subject  of  such  importance  should  not  be 
lightly  undertaken.  The  bane  of  the  large  cities  in  the 
United  States  is  the  active  participation  in  their  politics 
of  large  numbers  of  voters  who  have  hastened  to  throw 
off  their  allegiance  to  one  power,  more  from  hatred  of 
the  government  they  .have  left  than  love  of  the  country 
to  which  they  have  come,  and  whose  ignorant  prejudices 
and  passionate  resentments  are  skilfully  manipulated  in 
the  interests  of  the  meanest  class  of  politicians. 

The  man  who  is  in  a hurry  to  change  his  allegiance  is 
generally  the  least  desirable  and  is  too  often  a fraudulent 
appendage  to  the  country. 

The  Association  therefore  will  seek  to  impress  British 
residents  with  the  true  issues  involved  in  the  change  of 
allegiance,  that  they  may  be  carefully  weighed  and  studied. 

It  will  be  ever  ready  to  assist  all  who  desire,  after  such 
careful  consideration  to  become  citizens,  and  who 
will  loyally  take  up  their  new  obligations  with  a single- 
hearted  purpose  to  use  the  newly-acquired  privileges  for 
the  best  interests  of  the  country  in  which  they  have  ac- 
quired new  interests  and  new  ties,  which  have  softened 
the  memojy  of  old  associations. 

In  the  spirit  of  the  foregoing  principles,  the  British- 
American  Association  earnestly  asks  the  co-operation  of 
all  men  of  British  birth  and  descent.  It  calls  upon  all  who 
have  acquired  the  right  of  citizenship  to  exercise  it  on  all 
possible  occasions ; to  regard  the  ballot  as  a trust  to  be 
used  at  all  times  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country  : 
and  to  be  ready  to  make  sacrifices  to  vote  when  necessary. 
It  calls  upon  all  who  have  not  yet  sought  this  high  privi- 


6 


British-American  Association. 


lege,  to  do  their  duty  to  the  land  of  their  adoption,  and 
seek  to  arm  themselves  with  this  right  in  the  interests  of 
good  order,  and  for  the  protection  of  that  liberty  without 
license,  for  which  the  fathers  of  the  Republic  fought ; for 
the  perpetuation  of  that  true  freedom  which  was  won  at 
Naseby  and  Marston  Moor,  and  re-asserted  by  men  of 
British  extraction  in  this  country  against  a British  govern- 
ment which  had  for  a time  forgotten  its  noblest  traditions. 

The  Association  feels  that  it  has  no  difficult  task  to  per- 
suade those  of  British  birth,  educated  in  a love  of  freedom 
in  the  crowned  Commonwealth  of  the  British  Isles,  to  be- 
come loyal  and  intelligent  citizens  of  the  Commonwealth 
founded  and  maintained  by  their  brave  ancestors. 

They  have  seen  within  the  past  few  months,  that  when 
an  element  alien  to  the  true  interests  of  the  Common- 
wealth, sought  to  create  disorder,  and  infringe  the  liberties 
of  American  citizens,  with  the  tacit  acquiesence,  if  not 
actual  connivance,  of  those  in  the  city  government,  the 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  true  to  its  noblest  tradi- 
tions of  freedom  for  all,  flung  its  protecting  arm  around  its 
citizens  and  the  strangers  within  its  gates,  and  showed 
once  more  that  it  was  more  than  equal  to  the  maintenance 
of  its  own  laws- and  the  protection  of  those  who,  citizens  or 
otherwise,  were  subject  to  these  laws. 

This  should  commend  itself  to  the  consideration  of  all 
citizens  and  residents  of  British  birth  in  this  Common- 
wealth. Let  it  be  seen  that  they  are  equal  to  the  efficient 
support  of  these  principles  of  government  which  are  at 
the  foundation  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  be  ready  at  all 
times  to  maintain  by  the  ballot,  the  grand  gift  bestowed 
upon  them  by  the  liberty-loving  and  law-abiding  Common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts. 


The  British -American  Association 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


The  British-American  Association,  in  presenting  this 
pamphlet  to  the  American  public  and  asking  their  consid- 
eration of  its  contents,  desires  to  express  emphatically  its 
appreciation  of  the  attitude  of  the  native  Americans  to 
those  residents  and  citizens  of  British  birth  who,  with  no 
wish  to  antagonize  or  berate  other  foreign-born  citizens 
or  residents,  sought  to  celebrate*  in  the  city  of  Boston  the 
close  of  the  half-century  reign  of  Queen  Victoria  over  the 
British  Empire.  This  purely  private  undertaking,  repre- 
senting no  hostility  to  American  ideas,  the  British-bom 
citizens  of  Boston  supposed  they  had  a right  to  carry  out. 
That  their  proceedings  should  have  created  adverse  com- 
ment from  any  portion  of  the  community  they  had  no 
right  to  expect.  Greatly  to  their  surprise  a certain  class 
of  people  rushed  into  print,  and  endeavored  by  means  of 
the  newspapers  of  this  city  and  by  aid  of  some  hysterical 
and  ill-balanced  speakers,  to  create  trouble. 

From  all  this  the  committee  concerned  in  carr}dng  out 
the  private  celebration  studiously  held  aloof,  making  no 
replies,  and  refusing  to  enter  into  controversy  with  their 
opponents.  They  preferred  to  leave  the  whole  matter  to 
the  judgment  of  the  fair  public  opinion  of  Boston ; to 
carefully  refrain  from  any  newspaper  or  other  quarrels, 
and  to  wait  till  a fitting  time  to  lay  their  side  of  the  case 
before  the  American  public. 

The  statements  found  in  the  following  pages  need  only 
tills  preface  : That  no  citizen  or  resident  of  British  birth 


8 


British-American  Association. 


has  any  apology  to  make  to  American  citizens  of  any 
sort  or  degree  for  having  thus  carried  out  a celebration 
which  expressed  their  regard  for  the  land  of  their  birth 
and  the  illustrious  lady  who  for  fifty  years  has  been  at  its 
head. 

They  would  be  unworthy  of  the  esteem  of  all  good 
citizens  if  they  took  any  other  stand.  They  would 
deservedly  lack  the  esteem  of  all  loyal  citizens,  if  this  cele- 
bration had  been  intended  to  express  antagonism  to  the 
land  of  their  adoption,  whose  principles  they  hold  dear, 
whose  dignity  they  seek  to  uphold,  to  whose  defence  they 
are  as  ready  to  contribute  in  equal  measure  with  that  of 
any  class  whatever. 

To  many  of  British  birth  in  this  city  who  have  become 
citizens,  the  fact  that  large  numbers  of  people  were  living 
in  the  State  who  had  not  applied  for  the  privilege  of 
citizenship  had  always  been  a source  of  regret.  Many 
attempts  had  been  made  to  create  a more  lively  interest  in 
political  affairs  among  their  fellow  countrymen,  but  with- 
out effect. 

The  majority  lived  undistinguished  and  creating  no 
separate  class  or  “element;”  content  to  do  their  daily 
labor ; quietly  go  about  their  business ; obey  the  laws, 
and  live  without  creating  or  encouraging  any  special 
feeling  of  nationality,  even  while  invariably  animated 
with  an  intense  love  for  the  land  of  their  birth. 

No  better  proof  could  be  afforded  of  the  quiet,  self- 
reliant  and  unostentatious  feeling  governing  the  habits 
of  this  class  of  people,  than  the  fact  that  few  of  them 
ever  joined  their  national  societies.  Organizations  com- 
posed of  Englishmen  exclusively,  of  Scots  only,  and  of 
Welsh,  or  of  all  three  combined,  existed,  but  they  barely 
touched  the  large  masses  of  residents  of  British  extrac- 
tion. Not  ten  per  cent,  of  them,  even  while  retaining 
their  national  feeling,  sought  association  together,  content 
to  live  as  law-abiding  residents  in  the  country  in  which 
they  had  found  a home. 

None  the  less  was  the  quiet  process  of  assimilation 
going  on.  Family  ties  were  created;  new  friendships 
formed ; the  dear  associations  of  their  native  land  had 
gradually  mellowed  into  a loving  remembrance,  and  the 


British- American  Associahon. 


9 


ties  that  so  strongly  bound  them  to  home  were  gradually 
loosened  by  time’s  dissolving  fingers,  till  the  conscious- 
ness that  he  had  taken  root,  and  was  part  and  parcel  of 
the  community,  impelled  the  British  resident  to  take  the 
formal  steps  to  declare  the  change  of  allegiance,  which, 
almost  in  spite  of  himself,  had  taken  place. 

In  this  way  the  average  British- American  was  content 
to  let  citizenship  be  brought  about,  and  we  venture  to 
think  that  this  gradual  process  was  of  more  value  to  the 
country,  and  produced  a better  class  of  citizens  than  the 
feverish  haste  to  change  which  has  made  the  naturalization 
laws  a synonym  for  a stupendous  fraud,  and  dragged  neck- 
over-heels  an  undesirable  ‘‘element”  into  power,  sup- 
ported by  the  suffrages  of  those  whose  leading  principles 
of  action  are  spoils  of  office  and  the  manifestation  of  hate 
to  some  other  class  of  people. 

On  certain  classes  of  the  American  people  the  re- 
luctance of  the  average  British  resident  to  become 
naturalized,  taken  in  connection  with  the  haste  of  the 
Irish  population  to  secure  the  right  to  vote,  operated  in  a 
curious  way.  It  forced  them  into  the  belief  that  the  Irish 
vote  and  the  Irish  influence  were  the  only  things  neces- 
sary to  placate.  In  this  way  the  press  of  this  city  has 
become  largely  the  catspaw'  of  Irish  schemes ; the  few 
papers  which  do  not  make  a living  by  a servile  bolstering 
up  of  their  methods  and  ideas,  being  held  in  terror  by 
the  fear  of  a “ boycott,’’  more  than  once  hinted  at  in  the 
impudent  fulminations  of  the  Irish  leaders  of  this  city, 
against  any  paper  which  dared  to  sneeze  other  than  when 
the  Pilot  or  Republic  took  snuff.*  The  Herald,  because 
of  its  occasional  and  weak  attempts  to  be  fair,  is  called 
an  Anglophile  paper,  and  its  editor  an  Anglomaniac, 
when  it  need  only  be  American  to  satisfy  every  legitimate 
“influence.” 

The  Boston  Daily  Globe  has  the  conspicuous  merit  of 
being  consistent.  It  is  Irish  for  revenue  only,  and  cheer- 
fully responds  to  the  nod  of  Irish  leaders,  to  abuse  and 


^Witness  John  Boyle  O’Reilly’s  references  to  the  Transcript,  which 
had  “ dai'ed  ” to  publish  an  historical  sketch  pricking  the  bubble  of 
Irish  pretensions;  or  the  reception  of  R.  A.  Collin’s  references  to  the 
Advertiser,  at  theBostoa  Theatre,  August  28, 1887. 


10 


British-American  Association. 


misrepresent  everything  done  by  the  British  government. 
More  Irish  even  than  the  misnamed  Republic^  or  the  hy- 
sterical Pilot,  it  has  reaped  its  reward. 

The  other  papers,  not  committed  to  partisan  defence 
of  everything  Irish,  contented  themselves  with  keeping 
on  the  right  side  of  that  element  by  carefully  abstaining 
from  any  criticism  of  their  schemes,  and  being  always 
ready  to  “ go  agin  the  [British]  guv’ment,”  in  order  to 
“keep  solid”  and  make  their  paths  straight  among  the 
Irish,  who  had  secured  the  control  of  municipal  affairs. 

The  effect  of  this  servile  method  soon  became  felt.,  and 
a quiet  revolt  was  organized.  The  burden  of  Irish  dom- 
inance became  intolerable,  and  Americans  began  to  try 
to  disencumber  themselves  of  this  Old  Man  of  the  Sea, 
whom  they  had  suffered  to  climb  upon  their  shoulders, 
and  who  had  changed  from  the  cringing  beggar  to  the 
insolent  bully.  With  the  aid  of  the  American 'legislators 
from  the  yetun-Hibernianized  districts,  they  succeeded  in 
wresting  the  government  of  the  police  of  Boston  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  Irish  liquor  Democracy,  and  in  doing 
so,  presented  in  the  Republican  newspapers  the  pitiful 
spectacle  of  servilely  yelling  for  home  rule  for  Ireland, 
while  begging  the  honest  Berkshire  farmer  to  relieve  them 
from  the  intolerable  burden  of  Irish  “home  rule”  in 
Boston.  It  was  an  exhilarating  spectacle,  but  one  not 
calculated  to  impress  the  British  observer  with  the  fair- 
ness or  freedom  of  the  Boston  press. 

That  the  British  side  of  the  Irish  controversy  was,  and 
is,  so  persistently  misrepresented  in  all  the  papers,  was  to 
be  expected.  This  was  felt  to  be  natural ; at  any  rate 
no  one  of  British  birth  was  foolish  enough  to  expect  the 
press  of  this  country  to  be  an  echo  of  British  opinion. 
That  which  did  surprise  him  was  the  studied  misrepresen- 
tation and  belittling  of  everything  connected  therewith, 
and  which  became  every  day  more  noticeable  as  the  Irish 
power  grew  stronger  in  the  city.  It  didn’t  pay  to  be  fair, 
and  newspapers,  like  dime  shows,  were  run  to  suit  the 
public.  Therefore  the  Britisher  read  the  “ news  ” in  the 
light  of  his  own  experience,  or  waited  till  the  mail  brought 
him  something  on  which  he  could  rely.  In  this  way  the 
newspaper  “ fake  ” defeated  itself. 


British-American  Association.  11 

Early  in  the  present  year  the  Daily  Globe  published 
a letter  from  an  anonymous  correspondent,  calling  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  the  half-century  of  Queen  Victoria’s 
reign  would  be  celebrated  in  the  British  dominions,  and 
urging  the  British  Societies  in  Boston  to  take  notice  of 
the  event.  This  innocent  missive  immediately  raised  a 
hornet’s  nest.  It  is  the  experience  of  every  newspaper 
office  in  this  city  that  it  was  immediately  deluged  with 
letters  from  excited  patriots  denouncing  any  such  cele- 
bration, a very  small  proportion  of  these  missives  being 
printed.  To  the  ordinary  obser\'er,  the  mere  fact  that 
a number  of  foreign  residents — assuming  for  a moment 
that  they  were  “ foreign  residents  ” and  not  American 
citizens — desired  to  celebrate  this  great  historic  event  of 
a kindred  nation,  would  have  created  little  but  approving 
comment.  That  Americans  should  celebrate  the  Fourth 
of  July  in  London,  under  the  auspices  and  with  the 
cheerful  and  cordial  assistance  of  persons  high  in  the 
English  governmental  or  social  circles,  was  all  right  and 
proper  ; that  Frenchmen,  Germans,  Spaniards  and  every 
nationality  on  the  face  of  the  globe  should  thus  meet’to 
recognize  the  ties  of  blood  in  London,  passes  without 
comment,  or  only  with  approval.  Those  who  had  no 
interest  or  share  in  it,  or  w'ho  disapproved  of  the  object, 
stayed  away  and  held  their  peace.  Such,  too,  would 
have  been  the  American  method  of  treating  such  cele- 
brations. 

Not  so  our  ardent  Professional  Patriots.  They  met 
and  “whereased”  and  ‘‘ resoluted,”  and  some  of  them 
whose  necks  had  been  saved  by  the  forbearance  and 
mercy  that  has  distinguished  the  reign  of  Queen  Victoria 
were  loudest  in  their  denunciation  of  the  idea  that 
British  residents  should  celebrate  her  Jubilee.  Not 
realizing  the  fate  of  one  of  their  countrywomen, 

“ Miss  Biddy  Baxter, 

Who  refused  the  Cap’n  afore  he  axed  her,” 

they  hastened  to  repudiate  an  invitation  that  had  not 
been  extended,  and  abuse  the  guests  at  a celebration  to 
which  they  were  not  asked. 


12 


British-American  Association. 


Allowance  was  made  for  the  fact  that  hanging  on  to 
the  skirts  of  the  Irish  agitation  in  this  city  are  a large 
number  of  irresponsible  hare-brained  cranks,  who  hate 
so  earnestly  that  they  cannot  dissemble, — all  the  more 
creditable  to  their  honesty.  This  class  is  as  often  the 
terror  of  their  more  politic  leaders  as  they  are  the  butt 
of  the  more  sober-minded  citizens. 

It  was  quite  possible,  however,  that  they  did  not  rep- 
resent the  Irish  people  of  this  city.  The  movement  to 
celebrate  the  Queen’s  Jubilee  took  its  start  after  Presi- 
dent VVemyss,  of  the  Scot’s  Charitable  Society,  replied  to 
the  letter  mentioned  above,  which  had  appeared  in  the 
Globe. 

At  the  first  meeting  of  those  mainly  representing  Eng- 
lish and  Scotch  Societies,  it  was  noticed  with  regret  that 
no  one  representative  of  an  Irish  Society  was  present. 

The  feeling  among  those  present  was  that  the  oc- 
casion represented  a common  ground  on  which  the  Irish- 
men and  Englishmen  could  meet.  It  was  not  necessary 
to  indorse  or  repudiate  home.rule,  or  to  approve  the  ac- 
tions of  the  British  government,  in  order  to  fittingly  cele- 
brate the  fifty  years’'  reign  of  the  lady  whom,  in  God’s 
providence,  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  British  Empire, 
As  the  Irish  movement  was  loudly  declared  to  be  a ‘‘con- 
stitutional agitation”  (save  the  mark  !)  surely  there  was  a 
chance  to  show  that  political  differences  need  not  divide 
former  residents  of  the  British  Isles.  For  purposes  of 
their  own,  the  Irish  leaders  had  been  preaching  the  gos- 
pel of  peace,  according  to  their  new  prophet  Gladstone  ; 
and  some  Britishers,  who  felt  a lingering  respect  for  the 
‘•grand  old  man,”  began  to  reason  that  the  whole  home 
rule  agitation  was  now  a part  of  British  politics,  and  no 
more  sufficient  to  divide  men  socially  than  any  other  po- 
litical question.  Besides,  there  never  was  a better  op- 
portunity to  show  that  there  was  no  race  feeling  and  no 
natural  animosity  between  Scot,  Irish  and  English,  and 
Jack,  Pat  and  Sandy  in  another  land  might  be  equally 
comrades,  as  they  had  been  on  many  a hard-fought  field 
which  had  made  the  British  empire. 

Such  was  the  feeling  which  prompted  the  motion  to 
invite  the  Charitable  Irish  Society  to  join  in  the  celebra- 


British-American  Association. 


13 


tion.  Only  one  gentleman  opposed  the  motion,  and  he, 
long-headed  and  shrewd,  pointed  out  that  the  invitation 
would  only  be  rejected,  with  insult  added.  Even  those 
who  were  doubtful  as  to  the  result  felt  that  such  language 
was  unwarrantable.  The  officers  of  the  Charitable  Irish 
Society  were  gentlemen ; we  of  the  British  Societies  would 
be  only  doing  our  duty  in  extending  the  invitation  ; it 
would  be  received  courteously,  perhaps  accepted.  At 
any  rate  it  would  be  courteously  declined. 

So  the  invitation  was  sent.  The  reception  it  met  at  the 
hands  of  Past- President  W.  W.  Doherty  and  Mr.  Thomas 
Flatley,  justified  the  prophecy  of  the  shrewd  member  who 
had  alone  opposed  the  invitation 

The  courteous  and  friendly  offer  of  the  British  com- 
mittee was  declined  in  terms  of  studied  insult  and  con- 
tempt ; Mr.  Doherty  uniting  his  contempt  of  “that 
woman”  with  Mr.  Flatley’s  “indignation,”  in  order  to 
more  insolently  reply  to  the  invitation.  Fortunately  for 
the  reputation  of  the  society,  the  secretary  was  of  a dif- 
ferent calibre.  His  note — it  would  be  charitable  to  say 
the  society’s  note — was  a courteous  declination. 

The  British  committee  did  not  allow  itself  to  be  ruffled 
over  the  matter.  It  declined  to  allow  the  Doherty-Flatley 
“resolutions”  to  be  read,  but  accepted  the  note. 

Anticipating  for  a moment  the  events  which  followed 
the  declination  of  this  invitation,  it  will  be  well  to  re- 
member that  the  advocates  of  “constitutional  agitation” 
of  Irish  reforms  placed  themselves  on  record  by  this  epi- 
sode as  the  abusers  of  a lady  who  was  the  “constitutional” 
sovereign  of  the  realms  in  which  they  were  carrying  on 
their  alleged  “constitutional”  agitation,  a very  consistent 
position, — from  an  Irish  standpoint. 

Consider  for  a moment  the  effect  of  the  acceptance  of 
this  cordial  extension  of  the  hand  of  friendship  by  the 
Englishmen  and  Scots  of  this  city.  The  presence  of  the 
Irishmen,  pledged  to  “constitutional  agitation,”  would 
have  sealed  the  lips  of  the  veriest  Tory,  had  any  such 
animal  been  present.  Eveiy  one  would  have  been  under 
bonds  to  treat  their  new  guests  with  studied  respect ; the 
Irish  lovers  could  easily  have  captured  the  crowd,  and 
the  celebration  might  have  readily  been  swung  in  the  in- 
terests of  a true  “constitutional”  agitation. 


14 


British- American  Association. 


Had  the  Irish  leaders  possessed  the  ability  to  lead  a 
drove  of  pigs  to  market,  they  would  have  eagerly  seized 
the  opportunity  to  send  from  Boston  to  London  and  Dub- 
lin a verdict  for  home  rule  brought  in  by  a jury  of  all 
three  nationalities,  and  showing  in  their  own  persons  the 
possibilities  of  a true  union  of  the  British  nations.  The 
leading  speech  at  Faneuil  Hall  at  the  banquet  on  the 
2 1 St  (that  of  Dr.  Courtney),  after  the  Irish  leaders  had 
done  their  best  to  annoy,  insult  and  berate  the  participa- 
tors in  the  jubilee,  showed  how  they  had  missed  a glori- 
ous opportunity,  and  proved  once  more  that  hatred, 
malice  and  abuse  make  a poor  capital  with  which  to  start 
and  maintain  a “constitutional  agitation.” 

It  would  be  a poor  compliment  to  the  Irish  race  to  say 
that  they  believe  in  their  leaders  in  this  city.  Better  by 
far  drop  the  gauzy  pretension  of  “ constitutional  ” agita- 
tation,  and  come  out  square-fronted  as  Separatists  and 
Alienists,  in  which  many  of  British  birth  will  join,  praying 
heartily  that  all  ties  that  bind  the  two  together  shall  be 
loosened,  and  Ireland  be  not  only  given  her  “ freedom,” 
but  i7iade  io  take  it.  The  sooner  the  better,  if  such  men 
as  the  above  represent  the  “constitutional”  agitators. 

The  writer  is  aware  that  many,  like  the  classical 
scholar,  Councilman  Whall,  “ hate  England  and  every- 
thing English,”  except  (God  save  us !)  Englishmen. 
This  elegant  specimen  of  a “bull”  manufacturer  does  not 
hate  Englishmen — if  they're  Swiss,  or  Turks,  or  Swedes, 
or  Danes,  or  Russians — it’s  only  when  the  Englishmen  are 
English  that  he  hates  them.  It  is  hard  to  have  to  put  up 
with  it,  but  England  and  the  English  will  have  to  bear 
Councilman  Whall’s  hate,  and  laugh  at  his  bulls. 

« ' « « * * * « 

Thus  far  the  ripple  created  by  the  determination  of  the 
British  Societies  of  Boston  to  celebrate  the  Queen’s 
Jubilee  had  been  of  little  interest  to  the  American  peo- 
ple. At  best  it  was  only  a squabble  between  foreigners, 
for  the  “ truly”  native  considers  them  all  foreigners,  and 
he  is  about  right,  too.  He  is  so  accustomed  to  the  dia- 
tribes of  Irish  editors  of  alleged  American  papers  that  he 
is  prepared  to  believe  that  Ireland  is  oppressed,  and  that 


British-American  Association. 


15 


these  Hibernian  scribes  represent  the  victims  of  some 
worse  than  Oriental  despot.  The  subject  was  of  little 
importance  to  him,  anyway,  and  he  only  manifested  his 
impatience  of  it  by  growling  at  his  morning  paper  for 
filling  up  with  such  rubbish,”  or  wished,  with  a cheerful 
indefiniteness,  that  England  or  “somebody  would  do 
something  or  other”  and  so  stop  the  whole  business. 
And  having  relieved  himself  in  this  way  he  would  dismiss 
the  subject,  always  supposing  that  he  was  not  in  politics, 
and  therefore  not  anxious  to  appease  the  Irish  vote. 

In  the  latter  case  it  was  always  touching  to  behold  how 
his  heart  would  bleed  for  the  poor  Celt,  and  how  he 
would  rear  himself  up  on  his  hind  legs,  and  tell  a de- 
lighted audience  that  England  should  do  something  or 
other,  while  the  bosses  of  the  entertainment  laughed  at 
his  ignorance  of  the  whole  subject,  and  chuckled  at  the 
way  in  which  he  was  engaged  in  making  an  ass  of  him- 
self at  their  bidding. 

As  the  promoters  of  the  jubilee  festival  moved  along, 
it  became  evident  that  much  interest  was  awakened  in 
the  matter.  A guarantee  fund  was  raised,  and  in  a com- 
paratively short  time  nearly  ;^30,ooo  was  promised  to 
secure  the  promoters  against  loss. 

The  promises  to  attend  the  banquet  were  so  numerous 
that  it  was  difficult  to  find  a hotel  in  the  city  capable  of 
accommodating  them.  Music  Hall  could  not  be  had. 
“Why  not,”  said  some  American  citizens,  “ask  for  Fan- 
euil  Hall?”  It  was  done.  The  requisite  number  of 
citizens  applied  for  it.  The  purpose  for  which  they 
wanted  it  was  fully  known.  For  weeks  the  papers  had 
been  full  of  the  subject,  and  the  committee  on  Faneuil 
Hall  knew  it ; the  Aldermen  knew  it,  and  they  granted 
the  petition  without  the  slightest  demur. 

The  Aldermen  and  the  Mayor  alike  cheerfully  ac- 
quiesced in  the  granting  of  the  hall.  To  say  that  they 
were  ignorant  of  the  purposes  or  intent  of  the  petitioners 
is  a libel  on  the  intelligence  of  the  Aldermen  and  the 
Mayor.  Whatever  reflections  are  necessary  and  proper 
on  the  public  conduct  of  these  officials,  no  hint  that  they 
lack  intelligence  is  intended.  Alderman  Donovan  of  the 
Faneuil  Hall  committee,  with  his  esteemed  colleague, 


16 


British-American  Association. 


Alderman  Sullivan  of  East  Boston,  had  an  intelligent  ap- 
preciation of  services  rendered,  and  the  latter,  too,  was 
doubtless  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  show  his  respect  for 
the  ‘‘element”  out  of  whom,  as  stevedore,  he  was  making 
a comfortable  living. 

But  the  Patriots,  with  a capital  P,  were  not  so  indiffer- 
ently good-natured.  A land  league  branch  at  Roxbury 
promptly  “lesoluted,”  and  Father  McKenna  of  Marlboro, 
of  the  Church  Militant,  saw  a head  and  immediately 
raised  his  shillelah  to  crack  it.  In  a half  column. letter  to 
the  Daily  Globe  he  hysterically  called  upon  the  Patriots 
(still  with  a capital  P)  to  prevent  the  desecration  of 
Faneuil  Hall.  This  perfervid  appeal  struck  the  Globe  so 
forcibly  that  it  suggested  that  the  pictures  on  the  walls  of 
Faneuil  would  come  down  like  the  pictured  ancestors  of 
“ Ruddygore’s  ” bad  baronet  and  startle  the  offending 
Britishers.  In  fact,  the  Globe^  knowing  its  constituency, 
treated  them  to  a childish  approval,  and  seemed  to  the 
outsider  to  be  laughing  at  their  folly. 

There  is  something  touching  in  Father  McKenna’s 
reverence  for  the  sacred  memories  of  the  Revolution, 
and  his  fear  that  the  hall  would  be  desecrated  which  was 
given  by  the  grateful  Huguenot  to  celebrate  his  love  for 
the  Monarch  in  whose  free  dominions  he  had  found  life, 
liberty,  and  happiness,  after  having  been  driven  from  his 
own  home  in  France  by  the  treachery  and  bloodthirstiness 
of  the  Church  of  which  Father  McKenna  is  a priest.  The 
sturdy  Huguenot  might  have  fairly  supposed  the  place 
was  desecrated  by  the  presence  of  this  minister  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace,  preaching  hate  and  malice  ; and  he  might 
also  have  laughed  at  the  funny  spectacle  of  the  Pope  of 
Rome  presenting  Jubilee  congratulations  and  a fatherly 
benediction  on  the  Queen,  whom  the  Pope  of  Marlboro, 
(Mass.)  was  berating  after  the  style  of  an  Irish  fish- woman. 

“Sacred  memories  of  the  Revolution”  forsooth! 
Memories  of  the  brave  Irish  who  stormed  Bunker  Hill, 
and  of  the  other  gallant  Irish  regiments  who,  with  their 
equally  gallant  comrades  honorably  did  their  duty  in  the 
war  of  Independence.. 

The  “sacred”  memories  of  his  countrymen’s  exploits 
Father  McKenna  ignored  entirely,  just  as  he  ignored  the 


British- American  Association.  17 

spirit  and  the  letter  of  George  Washington’s  advice  to 
keep  out  of  foreign  entanglements,  when  he  and  the 
league  he  represented  used  the  hall  time  and  time 
again  to  encourage  an»d  foster  an  organization  to  send 
American  dollars  into  another  country,  to  foment  discord 
and  disorder,  punctuated  occasionally  by  dynamite  and 
murder. 

Since  when  have  the  American  people  made  Father 
McKenna  the  conservator  of  their  sacred  memories”  ? 
Father  McKenna  would  do  well,  like  Gilbert’s  reformed 
burglar,  to  set  himself  the  task  of  deliberately  forgetting 
some  undesirable  things  before  he  poses  as  a defender  of 
“the  Sacred  Memories  of  the  Revolution.” 

The  result  of  the  agitation  thus  set  up  was  that  the 
aldermen  were  petitioned  to  revoke  the  order  for  use  of 
the  hall  by  the  British  Societies,  and  a hearing  was  had. 
At  this  hearing  the  Central  Labor  Union  devoted  itself 
by  delegations  to  matters  utterly  foreign  to  those  for 
which  it  was  organized.  Rev.  James  Martin  Luther 
Babcock  and  E.  M.  Chamberlin,  distinguished  apostles  of 
liberty,  illustrated  their  liberality.  E.  M.  White  received 
a set-back  from  Chairman  Donovan,  and  the  opposition 
secured  a defeat,  greatly  to  the  disgust  of  a gentleman 
who  vented  his  wratrh  on  Alderman  Donovan  by  a threat 
that  he  would  be  “downed”  at  the  next  election.  Queen 
Victoria  received  at  this  meeting  the  extraordinary  com- 
pliment of  being  considered  no  worse  a personage  than 
E.  M.  White’s  father,  and  the  friends  of  the  celebration 
committee  left  after  this  remarkable  compliment  with  the 
assurance  and  the  private  suggestion  to  let  nothing 
interfere  with  their  arrangements,  for  it  “was  all  right.” 

But  Aldermen  Sullivan  and  Donovan  were  too  hasty  in 
the- assumption  that  they  had  “backbone”  enough  to 
stand  up  against  the  threats  of  being  “downed.”  Just 
what  influences  were  set  at  work  it  would  be  easier  to 
guess  than  to  tell.  As  a result  of  the  “ hot  spell”  that 
followed,  the  two  aldermen’s  “ backbone  ” became  of  the 
jelly-fish  pattern,  and  by  the  time  the  Land  League 
branches  had  “ resoluted  ” two  or  three  more  times,  these 
redoubtable  aldermen,  with  their  Irish  Democratic  con- 
temporaries, had  discovered  that  they  never  intended  to 


IS  British- American  Association. 

give  the  hall  for  the  purpose  of  celebrating  the  jubilee  of 
Queen  Victoria,  and  were  engaged  in  the  agonies  of  com- 
position over  a majority  report  of  the  hearing,  explaining 
why  the  permission  to  have  the  hall  should  be  revoked, 
and  demonstrating  to  their  own  satisfaction  that  the  con- 
temptuous manner  in  which  they  had  spoken  of  the  op- 
position, and  the  assurances  they  had  given  to  the  com- 
mittee that  it  “it  was  all  right,”  and  that  they  should  “go 
ahead  with  their  arrangements,”  were  all  figments  of  the 
imagination. 

Perhaps  they  were.  The  whole  arrangement  looked 
like  a farce  gotten  up  to  save  Messrs.  Donovan  and  Sulli- 
van from  the  enraged  “elements”  of  the  “element” 
they  represented.  The  Aldermen,  by  a tie  vote,  decided 
not  to  revoke  the  permission,  and  thus  the  Irish-American 
Aldermen  saved  their  bacon,  satisfied  their  disgruntled 
constituents  and  shuffled  out  of  revoking  the  permit  they 
had  unanimously  granted  a week  before. 

Among  the  triumphs  of  the  occasion  were  Alderman 
Carroll’s  denunciation  of  the  proceedings  of  the  consoli- 
dated committee  on  the  jubilee  banquet,  and  Alderman 
Bromwich’s  performance  of  a most  humble  salaam 
to  the  Alderman  from  ward  13,  who  stood  over 
him  with  a stick  in  the  shape  of  a pile  of  reports.  How- 
ever, the  alderman  from  ward  14  voted  to  stand  by  the 
original  permission.  This  vote  is  instructive.  Let  those 
who  are  anxiously  deprecating  “race  elements”  look  at 
the  vote,  as  found  in  detail  in  the  latter  part  of  this  pam- 
phlet. Five  Americans,  one  Englishborn  citizen,  against 
six  Irish-born  citizens.  Why  should  not  the  latter  depre- 
cate “race  issues”? 

At  the  same  meeting  permission  was  granted  the  oppo- 
sition to  hold  a meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  on  the  evening 
before  the  banquet,  to  protest  against  “the  desecration.” 

N o blame  is  attached  to  the  Aldermen  for  this.  They  had 
to  do  it.  The  story  of  that  meeting  is  given  in  full  later 
on,  and  the  performances  of  the  speakers  also.  It  will 
be  found  to  be  instructive  reading. 

But  what  can  be  said  of  the  men,  who,  knowing  the 
circumstances,  deliberately  set  to  work  to  impede,  annoy, 
obstruct  and  threaten  their  fellow  citizens  who  had  been 


British-American  Association. 


19 


given  permission — and  had  it  confirmed  after  appeal — 
to  hold  a meeting  in  the  hall ; the  men  who  were  only  held 
back  by  force  from  holding  the  hall  against  them,  and  who 
tore  around  at  night,  begging,  entreating,  bulldozing  the 
Mayor  to  take  upon  himself  the  power  to  veto  the  order. 
Who,  regardless  of  the  fact  that  the  Mayor  was  sick, 
tried  to  force  him  out  of  his  chamber  to  sign  the  veto,  and 
only  settled  down  defeated,  in  the  hope  that  the  next  day 
would  see  a row  that  would' make  the  banquet  impossible  ; 
and  who  on  the  day  of  the  banquet  requested  the  Police 
Board,  in  order  to  keep  the  peace  of  the  city,  that 
they  forbid  the  banquet  to  be  held  in  the  hall. 

Nevertheless  the  banquet  was  held.  True,  the  Mayor 
was  sick,  the  Governor  out  of  town,  the  Federal,  State  and 
City  officials  invited  (except  Alderman  Allen)  were  con- 
spicuous by  their  absence.  An  epidemic  of  sickness,  or 
an  avalanche  of  pressing  engagements  kept  them  away, 
and  the  loss  was  theirs.  The  contemptible  way  in  which 
the  politician  and  office-holder,  Republican,  Democrat, 
or  Mugwump,  demonstrated  his  lack  of  ‘^grit”  was  an 
object  lesson  to  the  banqueters. 

Meanwhile  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  was 
engaged  in  doing  its  duty.  Amid  all  the  contemptible 
features  of  the  affair  the  good  old  Commonwealth  came 
out  as  might  have  been  expected.  Its  officials  de- 
termined to  see  the  rights  of  citizens  protected,  and  it 
carried  out  its  purpose.  Under  the  sure  protection  of 
the  Commonwealth’s  police,  who  cared  no  more  for  an 
alderman  than  for  one  of  his  constituents,  the  dinner  was 
held  in  peace,  not  even  a ripple  of  disturbance  coming 
near  the  hall,  when  the  principal  speaker  “heaped  coals  of 
fire  on  the  heads”  of  the  mob  outside  by  trying  to  excuse 
their  needless  resentment  ^ind  passionate  hatred. 

The  press  of  the  city  and  country  for  the  next  few 
days  were  universal  in  condemnation  of  the  attempt  to 
create  trouble.  American  citizens  of  all  sorts  saw  the 
folly  and  wickedness  of  the  attempt  to  break  the  peace, 
and  even  the  leader  of  the  bitter  verbal  attack  on  the 
banqueters  fell  a victim  to  the  epidemic  of  sickness,  and 
was  glad  to  retire  to  his  summer  home  to  cool  off,  after  his 
friends  had  “rubbed  him  down”  for  his  “indiscretion.” 


20 


British- American  Association. 


It  was  indiscreet,  to  be  sure.  I'he  distinguished  gen- 
tleman “ went  off  at  half-cock  ; ” his  “tongue  will  cleave 
to  the  roof  of  his  mouth  before  he  lifts  his  voice  in 
Faneuil  Hall  again  in  behalf  of  humanity.’’  Whether  this 
will  prevent  him  speaking  in  behalf  of  the  foreign  Irish 
Land  League  is  a verbal  puzzle  with  which  we  leave  the 
subject,  and  commend  the  detailed  story  that  follows  to 
the  reader’s  consideration. 


EVENTS  THAT  LED  TO  THE  FORMATION 


OF 

The  British-American  Association. 


ORGANIZING  THE  BRITISH  AND  AMERICAN  CLUB. 

In  the  early  part  of  January,  1886,  a number  of  gentle- 
men representing  the  English,  Scotch,  Irish  and  Welsh 
elements  of  Boston,  met  at  the  Quincy  House  for  the 
purpose  of  organizing  a social  club,  which  should  be  a 
bond  of  union  for  people  of  British  birth  residing  in  Bos- 
ton and  its  vicinity,  and  also,  as  was  stated  in  the  pre- 
amble, to  be  “ for  the  purpose  of  promoting  feelings  of 
friendship  between  the  governments  of  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  ind  its  sole  qualification  for  member- 
ship is  a desire  tc  promote  that  object it  also  stated 
that  it  was  for  “tlie  purpose  of  promoting  social  inter- 
course and  to  afford  the  advantages  of  a club  house.” 
The  British  and  Scots’  Charitable  Societies,  it  was  said,  did 
not  cover  the  ground  that  this  club  was  designed  to  occu- 
py. It  proposed  to  establish  headquarters  which  would  be 
a centre  of  social  association  for  those  who  desired  to  meet 
on  the  basis  of  the  preamble  of  the  Club’.  The  newly- 
organized  club  received  a proposition  from  the  Park  Club 
to  amalgamate  with  it,  and  to  occupy  its,  suite  of 
rooms,  which  were  furnished  with  all  the  appliances  of  a 
first-class  social  club.  The  Park  Club  was  the  second 
oldest  social  club  in  Boston,  having  been  in  existence 
nearly  fifty  years,  and  its  members  were  composed  of 
some  of  Boston’s  oldest  and  best  known  business  men. 


22 


British-  American  Association. 


The  offer  of  the  Park  Club  was  accepted,  and  the  new 
organization  incorp*.  rated  under  the  name  of  the 
“British  and  American  Club,”  its  members  being  of  both 
nationalities.  The  new  club  moved  into  the  suite  of 
rooms  occupied  by  the  Park  Club,  7 Park  street,  the 
former  residence  of  James  Russell  Lowell,  the  poet,  and 
late  Minister  to  England.  The  bond  of  union  thus  es- 
tablished between  the  representative  people  of  British 
birth  had  an  important  effect  on  the  events  which  soon 
followed,  after  the  organizing  of  the  club. 


THE  QUEEN'S  JUBILEE  COMMITTEE. 

The  Scots’  Charitable  Society,  organized  in  1657, 
passed  a vote  at  the  annual  meeting  in  January,  1887,  to 
appoint  a committee  to  consult  with  kindred  associations 
on  the  question  of  celebrating  Queen  Victoria’s  Jubilee. 
Invitations  were  sent  out  by  them  to  the  various  British 
societies  of  Boston  and  its  vicinity,  with  tlie  request  that 
they  send  representatives  to  a meeting  to  be  held  at  the 
Quincy  House  for  the  purpose  of  consid  • mg  the  question. 
Thirty-four  societies  were  represented,  ' mposed  of  dele- 
gates from  the  Scots’  Charitable  Societ)',  British  Charitable 
Society,  British  and  American  Club,  Sons  of  St.  George, 
Order  of  Scottish  Clans,  Independent  Order  of  Odd 
Fellows,  M.  U.,  and  Caledonian  Club.  The  Grand  Master 
of  the  Orange  Lodge  of  Massachusetts  was  also  present, 
with  delegates  from  various  lodges.  He  stated  that  he 
and  the  societies  he  represented  were  in  accord  and 
sympathy  with  the  delegates  in  this  movement,  and  their 
members,  as  individuals,  would  assist  in  it ; but  as  an 
organization  they  had  decided  not  to  take  any  part  in  it, 
as  a matter  of  policy  ; for  whatever  they  did  their  actions 
would  be  misrepresented  by  their  enemies.  Not  even 
the  press  would  do  their  order  justice. 

A permanent  organization  was  formed,  composed  of 
the  delegates  from  the  various  societies,  and  kno’vn  as 
the  “ Consolidated  Committee  of  the  Queen’s  Jubilee;” 
James  Wemyss,  Jr.,  was  elected  President,  James  H. 
Stark,  Treasurer,  and  P.  C.  Anderson,  Secretary. 


British- American  Association. 


23 


All  the  societies  to  which  an  invitation  had  been  ex- 
tended were  re[jresented  except  “The  Charitable  Irish 
Society.”  A vote  was  passed  extending  to  them  a special 
invitation  to  co-operate  and  take  part  in  the  Queen’s 
Jubilee.  On  receipt  of  it  W.  W.  Doherty,  a former 
president  of  the  society,  offered  a resolution  to  the  effect 
that  the  society  decline  to  partici])ate,  on  the  ground  that 
“ that  woman”  had  never  done  anything  for  Ireland.  U. 
S.  Deputy  Collector  Thomas  Flatley  said  he  would  vote 
with  pleasure  for  the  resolution  if  it  only  contained 
the  expression  that  the  society  “ indignantly  rejected  ” 
the  invitation.  It  was  then  suggested  that  the  two  reso- 
lutions might  be  made  to  coalesce,  and  the  essential 
features  of  each  be  preserved,  which  was  accordingly  done, 
and  the  resolutions  unanimously  adopted  and  sent  to  the 
Consolidated  Committee. 

At  this  early  stage  of  making  preparation  to  celebrate 
the  Jubilee  it  will  be  observ^ed  that  the  Irish  of  Boston 
showed  their  hatred  and  antipathy  against  the  same,  and 
the  seed  thus  sown  soon  brought  forth  bitter  fruit. 

When  the  final  arrangement  was  made  for  celebrating 
the  Queen’s  Jubilee  it  was  decided  to  send  an  illumi- 
nated address  to  Her  Majesty,  through  Minister  Phelps, 
to  hold  a monster  picnic,  and  in  the  evening  to  have  a 
banquet.  The  committee  reported  that  as  there  would 
probably  be  about  500  guests  at  the  banquet,  and  as  no 
hotel  in  Boston  could  accommodate  more  than  300 
people,  they  deemed  it  necessary  to  procure  a hall,  and 

FANEUIL  HALL  ■ 

was  suggested  as  being  the  most  suitable.  This  hall  was 
donated  to  the  town  of  Boston  in  1742,  thirty-three  years 
before  the  Revolution,  by  Peter  Faneuil,  a Huguenot  or 
French  Protestant,  whose  ancestors  were  driven  from 
France  at  the  massacre  of  the  Protestants  on  the  night  of 
St.  Bartholomew,  by  the  Catholics.  Peter  Faneuil  died 
shortly  after  the  hall  was  finished,  and  the  first  use  it  was 
put  to  was  the  delivery  of  the  funeral  oration  in  relation 
to  the  death  of  its  noble  giver.  At  the  same  time  it  was 


24 


British-American  Association. 


dedicated  and  named  Faneuil  Hall  in  his  honor.  In  the 
dedicatory  address  it  was  decided  to  be  used  for  the 
purposes  of  ^‘loyalty  to  the  king,”  and  it  was  voted  by 
the  town  to  have  a portrait  of  King  George  II.  painted 
and  suspended  in  the  hall.  During  the  past  143  years 
Faneuil  Hall  has  been  used  for  all  sorts  of  purposes. 
The  coronation  of  King  George  III.  has  been  celebrated  ; 
pirates  and  robbers  have  been  tried,  and  the  Earl  of 
Elgin  feasted  there.  Every  political  party  in  the  country 
has  had  its  use  at  one  time  or  another.  Anarchists, 
Socialists,  Fenians  and  Land  Leaguers  have  spoken  there. 
The  Chinese  have  beer  told  to  go,  and  the  poor  Indian 
pitied  by  large  audiences.  The  Constitution  of  America 
has  been  styled  “ a covenant  with  death  and  a league 
with  helL’ in  this  hall.  And  now,  after  147  years,  when 
almost  anyone  who  desired  has  been  allowed  to  use  the 
hall  and  to  have  his  say  in  it,  it  was  deemed  desecration 
to  use  it  for  the  purpose  of  celebrating  Queen  Victoria’s 
Jubilee. 

PETITION  FOR  THE  USE  OF  FANEUIL  HALL 

According  to  the  Rules  and  Ordinances  of  the  City  of 
Boston,  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen  have  charge  of  the  hall, 
and  any  person  desiring  the  use  of  the  same  must  petition 
for  it. 

Members  of  the  Consolidated  Committee  accordingly, 
petitioned  the  Mayor  and  Board  of  Aldermen  “for  the 
use  of  the  hall  on  the  evening  of  June  21,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  a banquet  in  connection  with  the  British  and 
Scots’  Charitable  Societies,  and  others.”  James  Wemyss 
and  other  members  of  the  Committee  asked  for  the  hall, 
care  being  taken  that  only  citizens  and  taxpayers  signed. 
This  petition  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Faneuil 
Hall,  consisting  of  Aldermen  Allen,  Donovan  and  Sullivan, 
one  American  and  two  Irishmen.  The  petition  was 
approved  by  the  Committee  as  they  sat  at  their  desks  at 
the  regular  weekly  meeting  of  the  Board ; the  leave 
granted  without  debate  by  the  full  Board,  and  on  the 
following  morning  it  was  sent  to  the  Mayor  and  he  signed 
the  order. 


British-American  Association. 


25 


The  next  day  there  was  music  in  the  air.  A letter  ap- 
peared in  Boston  Globe ^ dated  at  Marlboro,  and  signed 
by  P.  A.  McKenna,  the  Catholic  Priest  of  that  town,  and 
Vice-President  of  the  Land  League,  who  took  such  an 
important  part  later  on  in  the  opposition  to  the  use  of 
Faneuil  Hall  by  the  British  Societies.  This  was  'a 
reckless  communication  for  any  man  to  write,  especially  a 
Priest  who  professes  to  be  a follower  of  the  meek  and 
lowly  Jesus  who  preached  the  gospel  of  “ Peace  on  earth, 
good  will  to  men.’’  This  letter  was  a passionate  appeal 
to  the  ignorant  class  over  which  his  influence  extends  to 
make  this  a race  question,  setting  one  man  against  another, 
instead  of  inculcating  the  precepts  of  the  Divine  Master 
among  the  masses.  This  letter  we  give  in  full,  as  it  was 
unquestionably  the  starting  of  all  the  trouble  that  fol- 
lowed. For  cool  audacity  it  stands  unequalled,  when* 
it  is  taken  into  consideration  who  the  donor  was,  and  that 
death  was  the  penalty,  according  to  the  law  of  this 
Colony,  if  a person  of  Father  McKenna’s  profession  was 
found  within  its  limits,  at  the  time  the  hall  was  given 
by  Peter  Faneuil.  If  Father  McKenna  “had  had  any 
sense  of  the  eternal  fitness  of  things,  he  would  surely 
have  chosen  almost  any  other  place  than  Faneuil  Hall” 
for  his  exhibition  of  hatred  to  Great  Britain. 

DESECRATION  OF  FANEUIL  HALL 


An  American  Citizen  Protests  Against  Granting  the  Use 
of  the  Hall  for  ^ Queen-Victoria  Banquet. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Globe'. 

I read  in  your  issue  of  this  morning  that  “ permission  was 
granted,  by  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  for  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall 
on  the  evening  of  June  21,  for  the  purpose  of  a banquet  to  be 
given  by  the  British  Charitable  Society  ‘ and  others  ’ in  honor  of 
Queen  Victoria.” 

As  an  American  citizen  — born  in  Boston  — and,  therefore,  a 
lover  of  all  the  heroic  traditions,  and  associations  and  inspirations 
of  dear  old  Faneuil  Hall  — I desire  to  enter  my  protest  against  the 
proposed  desecration  of  the  hall. 

Could  the  walls  of  old  Faneuil  speak,  methinks  they  would  say, 
again,  with  Hamlet,  “ To  what  base  uses  we  may  return,  Horatio  ! 


26 


British-American  Assocution. 


Why  may  not  imagination  trace  the  noble  dust  of  Alexander,  till 
we  find  it  stopping  a bung-hole?” 

If  the  Irish  Charitable  Society  demanded  the  use  of  this  hall  for 
a banquet  to  Editor  O’Brien,  there  might  be  fitting  reasons  given 
for  it.  O’Brien  represents  the  spirit  of  Faneuil  Hall,  because  a 
heroic  representative  of  a people  constitutionally  struggling  for 
liberty,  and  the  Irish  Charitable  Society  represents  the  spirit  of 
men  who  fought,  that  places  like  Faneuil  Hall  might  stand,  when 
England  hired  Hessians  and  Indians  to  prevent  it;  and  when 
Lord  Salisbury  embodied  English  hatred  to  the  North,  in  the  late 
struggle,  the  sons  of  Ireland  fell  lighting  in  its  behalf. 

Why  not  spread  the  tables  for  this  English  jubilee  banquet  on 
Bunker  Hill,  or  in  the  Old  South?  It  would  be  just  as  fitting  as 
to  hold  it  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Henceforth,  if  this  desecration  be 
allowed,  we  will  be  able  to  understand  better  the  meaning  of  the 
phrase,  “ the  irony  of  fate.” 

Faneuil  Hall  is  not  a place  of  feasting  wherein  these  men  should 
gather  for  the  purpose  named.  Until  England  — of  which  Queen 
Victoria  stands  as  the  highest  representative  — is  identified  with 
liberty  and  ceases  to  be  identified  with  oppression  and  tyranny, 
whether  in  India,  Ireland  or  any  other  country,  let  Faneuil  Hall 
be  refused  to  those  who  wish  to  thus  celebrate  this  jubilee. 

Their  country,  until  then,  will  continue  to  be  all  that  is  most 
alien  to  Faneuil  Hall’s  spirit. 

Faneuil  Hall  is  devoted  not  to  mere  animal  feasting,  but  to  the 
feasts  of  reason,  of  exalted  sentiments  of  patriotism  that  have 
been  held  again  and  again  within  its  walls. 

To  devote  it  to  a reunion,  to  a banquet  wherein,  from  the  very 
wording  of  the  Aldermen’s  order  last  night,  mere  animal  feasting 
is  the  paramount  consideration,  savors  of  the  spirit  which  the  poet 
Horace  stigmatized  as  coming  “from  the  epicurean  sty.”  It 
savors  of  the  national  characteristic  of  a country  famed  not  for  its 
Faneuil  Halls  within  its  borders,  but  for  its  “ roast  beef  and  plum 
pudding.”  The  English  received  a lesson  on  that  very  point  last 
year,  which  cost  them  dear.  For  when  they  sought  to  carry  a 
measure  imposing  on  beer  the  slight  ta5c  which  would  have  enor- 
mously relieved  the  national  exchequer,  while  increasing  the  army 
and  navy  supplies,  so  necessary  for  her  if  she  is  to  retain  her 
position,  even  as  a third-rate  power,  the  ministry  was  ignobly 
defeated.  B^er  did  it ! Perish  all  considerations  of  army,  navy, 
national*  honor,  national  defence,  dignity,  national  credit,  when 
beer  is  the  stake  to  be  played  for. 

Why  should  not  the  British  Charitable  Society  engage  some  of 
Boston’s  famed  hotels  for  holding  the  banquet,  as  other  organiza- 
tions equally  worthy  have  done  ? Is  it  a cunning  scheme  to  try  to 
weakly  coun-teract  the  American  sympathy  existing  here  for  Ire- 
land? oris  the  English  gold  supply  stopped?  Has  Lord  Ran- 
dolph Churchill’s  denunciations  of  extravagance  and  impending 
bankruptcy  of  England  checked  here  the  supply  and  the  work  of 
the  English  secret  service  fund? 


British-American  Association. 


27 


No  ! do  not  let  this  threatened  desecration  take  place.  Let  us 
maintain  the  tiaditions  of  Faneuil  I Jail  on  the  exalted  plane 
whereon  they  rest.  Whether  called  together  for  the  purpose  of 
aiding  Poland,  Hungary. Greece,  Italy,  Ireland,  the  popular  dem- 
onstrations within  Faneuil  Hall  were  not  in  favor  of  any  one 
nationality  as  such,  but  the  consideration  of  nationality  was  ever 
subordinate  to  the  cry  of  liberty  — liberty  for  all  mankind. 
Liberty,  emancipation  of  white  serfs  no  less  than  black  — oppo- 
sition to  political  and  social  tyranny  — these  were  the  dominant 
notes  of  Faneuil  Hall  gatherings.  In  the  face  of  present  — no  less 
than  that  of  past  events  — can  it  be  said  that  the  banquet  jubilee 
of  Queen  Victoria  will  represent  these  ideas.? 

If  this  banquet  be  held  in  Faneuil  Hall  let  a committee  be 
appoin  ed  to  first  veil  on  its  historic  walls  the  painted  forms  of  the 
heroes  and  statesmen  whose  lives  were  dedicated  to  a contest 
opposed  to  “Rule  Britannia,”  or  “ God  save  the  Queen.” 

if  it  be  held,  let  the  liberty  lovers,  oppression  haters  of  Boston 
organize  to  hold  another  “tea  party,”  but  this  time  on  Bunker 
Hih,  and  may  we  be  the’e  to  see ! 

Marlboro,  June  .3,  1887.  F.A.M. 

The  seed  thus  sown  brought  forth  the  expected  fruit ; 
letters  began  to  pour  into  all  the  news])aper  offices 
against  ‘‘the  desecration  of  Faneuil  Flail,  by  alien  mongrels, 
English  Tories,  etc.,”  but  let  it  be  said  to  the  credit  of  the 
press  of  Boston,  that  with  one  exception  they  refused  to 
publish  any  letter  or  make  any  editorial  comment  on  the 
subject  that  was  unfavorable  to  the  British  Societies  ; the 
exception  was  the  Boston  Globe,  who  started  out  with 
McKenna’s  letter,  and  kept  it  up  daily,  sometimes  three 
or  more  appearing  in  one  edition  of  the  paper.  The 
following  is  the  Globe  editorial  on  the  subject. 

IN/^PPROPRIATE. 

The  Boston  subjects  and  admirers  of  Queen  Victoria  could 
hardly  have  made  a more  inappropriate  selection  of  a place  to 
hold  their  jubilee  exercises  than  Faneuil  Hall.  The  historical 
suggestions  of  the  old  cradle  are  anti-royalist  and  friendly  to  free- 
dom. After  the  jubilee  feast  is  over  the  very  pictures  on  the  walls 
may  be  expected  to  come  down,  after  the  example  of  the  ancestral 
paintings  in  Ruddygore  Hall,  and  hold  a ghostly  indignation 
meeting.  If  the  resident  Britishers  had  any  sense  of  the  “eternal 
fitness  of  things,”  they  would  surely  choose  almost  any  other  place 
than  Faneuil  Hall  for  their  exhibition  of  loyalty  to  the  Queen. 

Petitions  began  to  pour  in  to  the  Board  of  Aldermen 
calling  for  a hearing  to  show  cause  why  the  order  grant- 


28 


British- American  Association. 


ing  the  hall  should  not  be  revoked  ; tire  petitioners  were 
principally  Land  Leaguers,  the  Central  Labor  Union  and 
Irishmen  gcmerally,  and  in  order  to  have  it  appear  that 
other  than  Irishmen  protested  against  its  use,  several 
American  and  English  Socialists  sent  in  petitions.  The 
following  account  of  what  transpired  at  the  hearing,  is 
taken  from  the  Boston  Herald. 

THE  QUEEN’S  JUBILEE. 


Opposition  to  the  Use  of  FaneuU  Hall  by  the 
Britisi  ocieties. 

TheAldermanic  chamber  at  City  Hall  held  many  people 
yesterday  afternoon;  the  occasion  being  a hearing  on  a 
petition  of  the  Central  Labor  Union  and  others  that  the  Board 
reverse  its  action  granting  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  to  the 
British  Societies  for  a banquet  in  honor  of  Queen  Victoria’s 
Jubilee.  The  hearing  was  given  by  the  committee  on  Faneuil 
Hall  and  county  buildings,  Alderman  Donovan,  Allen  and 
Sullivan. 

Mr.  E.  M.  Chamberlin,  for  the  petitioners,  said  that  most 
of  the  signers  thought  that  Faneuil  Hall  itself  ought  to  object. 
He  had  supposed  the  Aldermen  had  not  fully  given  their  per- 
mit for  what  he  deemed  this  desecration  of  Faneuil  Hall;  but 
he  was  corrected  by  Chairman  Donovan.  Mr.  Chamberlin 
then  referred  to  the  fact  that  Faneuil  Hall  was  not  strictly  a 
government  building,  but  was  technically  in  the  custody  of 
the  city  council.  It  has  never  been  used  for  the  purpose  of 
honoring  any  foreign  luler,  and  ought  not  to  be  so  used  now. 
The  argument  that  the  woman  should  be  separated  from  the 
ruler  is  fallacious. 

In  answer  to  a question  from  the  chairman,  Mr.  Chamberlin 
said  that  he  objected  to  granting  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  to 
citizens  of  Boston  for  the  purpose  of  celebrating  the  Queen’s 
Jubilee. 

Mr.  J.  L.  M.  Babcock  said  that  he  was  in  favor  of  the  largest 
liberty,  but  very  much  disliked  to  criticise  the  action  of  a 
woman.  Still,  he  was  a Boston  boy,  and  he  wanted  the 
sanctity  of  Faneuil  Hall  preserved.  If  these  gentlemen  had 
wanted  any  other  hall,  he  should  not  have  objected.  Mr. 
Babcock  thought  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall,  for  this  purpose, 
would  be  a gratuitous  wound  to  the  feelings  of  the  Irish 
citizens  of  this  country.  During  the  entire  reign  of  Qireen 
Victoria,  he  said,  there  is  no  record  that  she  has  ever  pitied 
the  sufferers  by  famine  in  Ireland  and  India.  She  did  not 


British-American  Association. 


29 


head  a subscription  for  their  relief  while  other  nations  were 
sending  provisions  and  other  means  to  aid  them  in  their 
distress.  In  answer  to  Alderman  Sullivan,  Mr.  Babcock  said 
that  he  did  not  remember  that  a banquet  was  once  given  to 
the  Prince  of  Wales  in  Faneuil  Hall. 

Mr.  George  J.  Moulton,  chairman  of  the  legislative  com- 
mittee of  the  Central  Labor  Union,  appeared  to  protest.  He 
said  that  his  ancestry  dated  from  Massachusetts,  but  that  he 
condemned  the  acts  of  the  reign  of  Queen  Victoria.  He  said 
that  he  was  a Social  Democrat,  affiliated  with  the  Socialists 
of  London  and  other  foreign  cities. 

Mr.  Edwin  M.  White,  a lawyer  and  Labor  Reformer,  pro- 
tested because  such  use  did  violence  to  all  the  traditions  of 
Faneuil  Hall,  hung  as  it  is  with  portraits  of  men  who  defied 
oppression  and  monarchial  rule.  He  thought  this  invasion 
was  a vulgar  trick  to  desecrate  the  altar  of  liberty,  such  as  is 
common  with  certain  people.  In  answer  to  Alderman 
Donovan,  witness  said  he  had  no  knowledge  that  his  father 
refused  to  rent  houses  to  Irish  tenants,  and  that  he  entertained 
different  opinions  from  those  of  other  members  of  his  family. 

Objections  were  then  raised  to  this  form  of  enquiry  by 
Messrs.  Chamberlin,  Larkin  and  Murray,  wffiereupon  Aider- 
man  Donovan  said  that  he  should  not  have  propounded  the 
question  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  the  gentleman  had 
strongly  condemned  the  conduct  of  the  Queen  toward  the 
Irish  people  when  his  own  father  was  equally  cruel  in  this 
country. 

Messrs.  Chamberlin,  White  and  some  of  the  crowd  outside 
the  rail  left  the  chamber  in  seeming  indignation.  Messrs. 
Babcock,  Moulton  and  Murray  remained. 

Mr.  James  Wemyss,  Jr.,  said  he  was  an  American  Citizen 
of  Scotch  descent.  The  societies  desired  Faneuil  Hall 
because  they  could  get  no  other.  The  hotels  were  not  large 
enough,  and  Music  Hall  could  not  be  obtained.  If  he  thought 
that  there  was  a member  of  the  societies  who  considered  the 
use  of  the  hall  an  insult  to  American  institutions,  he  would 
put  his  foot  upon  him  as  if  he  were  a spider.  Were  these  men 
any  less  loyal  because  they  participated  in  the  exercises  of  the 
occasion  of  the  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  American 
Independence.?  During  the  war  of  the  rebellion  there  were 
99,000  British  soldiers  on  the  side  of  the  North,  and  so  far 
were  the  ranks  of  one  of  these  drawn  upon  that  14  members 
could  not  be  found  to  form  a quorum. 

Mr.  William  D.  Parks  said  he  was  in  favor  of  the  use  of  the 
hall,  and  had  signed  the  petition  for  it.  There  was  nothing 
in  the  petition  about  a jubilee,  but  the  simple  request  was  that 
the  hall  should  be  granted  for  a banquet  under  the  auspices  of 
the  English  and  Scotch  societies. 

Mr.  William  Lumb  thought  that  all  citizens  had  rights  in 
Faneuil  Hall,  and  he  favored  its  use. 


30 


British-American-  Association. 


Mr.  Wemjss  then,  in  response  to  a question  propounded  by 
Mr.  Moulton,  said  the  proceeds  of  the  occasion  w*ere  to  be 
used  for  the  purpose  of  buying  five  free  beds  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts  General  Hospital,  and  other  charitable  purposes. 

The  hearing  was  then  closed. 

It  was  stated  after  the  hearing  that  William  Murray,  one  of 
the  Central  Labor  Union,  came  to  Alderman  Donovan  in  the 
presence  of  Alderman  Sullivan,  before  the  hearing,  and  said: 
“I  am  the  man  who  downed  McNeill  a year  ago,  and  I should 
be  sorry  to  do  the  same  by  you  and  Sullivan  if  you  don’t 
decide  this  thing  right.” 

The  result  of  this  hearing  brought  forth  another  letter 
from  McKenna,  in  which  he  attacked  Mr.  James  Wemyss, 
Jun.,  President  of  the  Consolidated  Committee  ; the  letter 
and  Mr.  Wemyss’  answer,  are  here  given. 

IRISH  NATIONAL  LEAGUE,  ' 


Opposition  to  the  Use  of  FaneuU  Hall  for 
Celebrating  the  Queen's  Jubilee. 

At  the  meeting  of  Municipal  council  of  the  Irish  National 
League  in  Codman  Hall,  last  evening,  in  opposition  to  the 
occupancy  of  Faneull  Hall  for  the  purpose  of  celebrating  the 
approaching  jubilee  of  Queen  Victoria,  a letter  was  read  from 
Rev.  Fr.  McKenna,  as  follows: 

Dear  Mr.  O’Flynn — I lectured  in  Wakefield  last  evening, 
and  on  arriving  home  this  afternoon  found,  too  late,  your 
notice  of  the  meeting  of  the  delegates  of  the  Irish  National 
League  for  this  evening.  Important  parochial  duties,  also, 
will  prevent  me  from  attending,  but  I wish  to  say  in  writing 
a word  again  in  protest  of  the  methods  of  the  proposed 
desecration  of  Faneuil  Hall  by  the  Victoria  jubilee  banquet 
of  next  Tuesday  evening.  The  matter  is  very  important  for 
us  to  consider.  For  the  methods  resorted  to,  not  only  by  the 
principal  mover.s  in  this  business,  but  the  intense  partisan- 
ship of  the  chairman  of  the  aldermanic  committee  yesterday 
•seem  to  show  that  certain  unworthy  inlluences  are  at  work. 
The  aim  of  it  all  seems  to  be  to  send  a cablegram  to  Lord 
Salisbury  from  "Old  Faneuil”  to  the  effect  that  the  citizens  of 
Boston,  “in  mass  meeting  assembled,”  applaud  his  efforts  for 
maintaining  the  so-called  integrity  of  the  British  Empire.  I 
wish  to  calf  attention  to  a misleading— if  not  absolutely  false— 
statement  of  Mr.  James  Wemyss,  president  of  the  British 
Charitable  Society,  at  the  meeting  in  City  Hall  yesterday. 
According  to  the  public  press,  he  declared  “our  committee 


British-American  Association. 


31 


tried  to  obtain  quarters  at  every  hotel  in  the  city  and  every 
hall,  and  could  not  get  a place  anywhere  to  hold  the  banquet.” 
The  impression  which  he  aims  to  leave  in  the  minds  of  the 
public  is  evident  However,  this  statement  will  not  hold 
water.  For,  on  my  way  home  through  Boston,  I went  to 
inquire  at  one  of  the  hotels  of  Boston  this  morning,  famed  for 
its  immense  social  and  national  reunions,  if  Mr.  Werayss 
stated  the  facts  when  he  used  the  words  quoted.  One  of  the 
proprietors  assured  me  that  the  only  obstacle  to  holding  the 
iubilee  banquet  in  their  hotel  was  purely  and  simply  a question 
of  price  per  plate — only  this  and  nothing  more.  1 presume,  if 
a visit  were  made  “to  every  hotel  in  the  city  and  every  hall” 
(to  quote  again  Mr.  Wemyss’  words),  the  same  answer  would 
be  given.  Now,  if  Mr.  Wemyss  tells  the  truth  when  he  said, 
later  on,  that  “^30,000  has  been  guaranteed  by  different 
gentlemen  toward  meeting  the  e.xpenses,”  how  can  the  small 
difference  in  price  per  plate  be  an  obstacle.?  Flimsy  pretext! 
What  then  is  the  motive  underlying  these  inconsistent,  these 
irreconcilable  statements?  The  love  of  Englishmen  of 
Boston  for  the  Cradle  of  Liberty  is  a sentiment  of  too  sudden 
a growth  altogether  to  pass  unquestioned.  It  is  evidently  of 
forced  growth.  When  the  Prince  of  Wales  or  any  other  royal 
representative  was  banqueted  in  Faneuil  Hall,  it  was  because 
they  were  the  guests  of  the  city.  Boston  would  not  violate  its 
well-earned  reputation  for  generous  hospitality  by  acting 
otherwise  even  for  the  Prince  of  Wales  present.  I sincerely 
trust  Boston’s  aldermanic  committees  will  not  violate  the 
traditions  of  Faneuil  Hall  for  liberty, — eveo..  for  Qiieen 
Victoria  absent,  especially  when  such  merhods^^^e  employed 
to  secure  it  by  her  worthy  over-zealous  representatives  of  the 
British  Charitable  Society  of  Boston.  As  for  the  chairman  of 
the  committee,  at  the  hearing,  his  partisan  conduct  is 
apparently  unexplainable  in  this  matter.  To  pass  by  other 
points,  his  statement  that  a threat  had  been  made  against  him 
by  a remonstrant  previous  to  the  hearing,  was  not  borne  out 
by  Alderman  Sullivan.  The  latter,  according  to  the  reported 
account,  denied  hearing  the  threat.  Is  it  possible  that  the 
charges  made  against  the  chairman  last  evening  by  the  Dem- 
ocrats of  Ward  4 for  double  dealing  in  other  matters  with  his 
constituents,  have  a foundation  in  this  business  also?  Sift 
the  matter  thoroughly.  If  necessary  call  a public  meeting. 
Balk  the  tories  of  Boston.  P.  A.  McKenna, 

Second  Vice-President  of  the  Irish  National 
League  of  America.  . 

The  following  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted ; 

Whereas,  It  appears  that  the  Board  of  Aldermen  of  the 
city  of  Boston  has  given  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  for  the  pur- 
pose of  celebrating  the  Qj.ieen  of  England’s  Jubilee ; therefore 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  members  of  the  Municipal  Council, 
1.  N.  L.,  in  convention  assembled  most,  earnestly  protest 


32 


British-American  Association 


against  such  profanation  of  this  thrice  hallowed  sanctuary  of 
liberty,  whose  whole  history  is  one  grand,  solemn  protest 
against  the  very  government  of  which  Queen  Victoria  is  the 
present  living  representative. 

THE  QUEEN’S  JUBILEE. 


To  the  Editor  of  the  Herald : 

My  notice  has  been  called  to  an  article  in  Thursday  morn- 
ings issue  of  the  Boston  Post,  written  by  P.  A.  McKenna, 
Second  Vice-President  of  the  Irish  National  League  of  Amer- 
ica, wherein  he  charges  me  with  misrepresentations  at  the 
hearing  before  the  aldermanic  committee  on  Tuesday  last, 
which  I most  emphatically  refute  in  the  following  statement, 
which  I place  before  the  public  on  my  word  of  honor:  That 

the  committee  on  banquet  hall  (which  included  myself)  visit- 
ed the  Revere  House,  Parker  House.  Quincy  House,  and  com- 
municated by  telephone  with  the  Hotel  Vendome,  the  com- 
mittee considering  those  hotels  having  the  largest  accommo- 
dations, and  finding  that  none  of  them  could  accommodate 
over  300  persons  comfortably,  the  committee  then  visited 
Music  Hall,  which  would  have  answered  our  purpose,  but 
could  receive  no  definite  answer  by  reason  of  uncertainty  of 
their  being  granted  a license.  The  committee  had  every  rea- 
son to  believe  that  at  least  500  people  would  participate  in  the 
banquet.  I here  positively  assert  that  the  question  which  was 
most  seriously  discussed  with  the  above  hotels  was  the  mat- 
ter of  acconj|||wdation,  and  not  that  which  has  been  insinua- 
ted, namely ,^ire  price.  We  felt  satisfied  that  our  party  would 
not  be  large  enough  for  Mechanics’  Hall,  and  that  place  was 
not  considered.  The  committee,  however,  ascertained  that 
Faneuil  Hall  would  offer  the  best  accommodations  for  the 
number  expected.  Over  40c  tickets  are  sold  to  this  dat^.  and 
if  Mr.  McKenna  can  name  anj’-  hotel  in  this  city  tljat  will  ac- 
commodate even  that  number  he  can  certainly  enlighten  the 
public  and  this  committee;  and  I would  respectfully  ask  him 
to  reach  facts  before  rushing  into  public  print.  He  names  me 
the  President  of  the  British  Charitable  Society,  which  is  not 
correct.  I have  the  honor,  however,  of  the  presidency  of  the 
consolidated  committee,  who  have  the  general  celebration  in 
charge.  This  committee  represents  37  associations,  all  of 
which  are  neither  aggressive  nor  antagonistic,  and  are  abso- 
lutely non-political.  James  Wemyss,  Jr. 

June  16, • 1887. 

Before  the  Committee  reported  the  result  of  the  hear- 
ing to  the  full  Board,  the  remonstrants  had  large  posters 
printed  and  covered  the  walls  of  the  poorer  part  of  the 
city  with  them,  announcing  a public  indignation  meeting 


British-American  Association. 


33 


to  take  place  in  Fanueil  Hall,  the  night  previous  to  the 
banquet,  to  protest  against  its  desecration.  This  was  on 
Saturday,  and  on  Monday  the  Board  of  Aldermen  met 
and  granted  the  use  of  ike  Hall  for  that  evening.  Then 
came  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Faneuil  Hall,  when 
to  the  surprise  and  disgust  of  all  fair-minded  people. 
Aldermen  Donovan  and  Sullivan  handed  in  a majority 
report  recommending  the  Board  to  revoke  the  permit 
already  given  to  use  the  hall.  It  will  be  seen  from  the 
following  account  copied  from  the  Boston  Herald^  that 
by  a tie  vote  the  Aldermen  refused  to  revoke  the  former 
order,  and  the  British  Societies  had  the  hall  for  their 
celebration. 


OF  FANEUIL  HALL 

Alderman  Donovan,  chairman  of  the  committee  on  Faneuil 
Hall,  presented  a majority  report  in  reference  to  the  use  of 
Faneuil  Hall  by  the  British  Charitable  Society.  Alderman 
Donovan,  in  presenting  the  report,  said  that  he  had  been  re- 
quested by  the  committee  on  Faneuil  Hall  to  state  that  here- 
after the  committee  will  claim  the  right  to  hold  all  petitions 
for  a week  before  acting  on  them. 

The  majority  report  was  as  follows  : 

City  Hall,  Bostox,  June  20, 1887. 

The  committee  on  Faneuil  Hall  and  county  buildings,  to  whom  was 
refeiTed  the  remonstrances  against  the  granting  of  Faneuil  Hall  tor  the 
celebration  of  the  Queen’s  jubilee  and  the  several  petitions  asking  that 
a hearing  might  be  given  on  the  matter,  beg  leave  to  report  that  a pub- 
lic hearing  was  given,  at  which  were  present  the  remonstrants  and  the 
petitioners,  and,  after  carefully  weighing  the  testimony  given  on  both 
sides,  your  committee  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  permission  granted 
shoula  be  revoked. 

The  petition  asking  for  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  for  June  21  was  pre- 
sented to  this  Board  of  Aldermen  on  May  31,  with  65  or  more  other  petit- 
ions, and  were  severally  referred  to  appropriate  committees,  and  as  is 
usual  in  all  public  bodies,  little  notice  was  taken  of  them  when  read,  as 
the  committees  usually  look  carefully  after  them;  but  the  petitioners  in 
this  instance,  being  present,  asked  that  the  license  be  granted  at  once, 
and  supposing  it  to  be  only  the  usual  form  of  meeting  to  be  held,  during 
the  session  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen  and  without  that  due  considera- 
tion ordinarily  given,  without  a thought  of  the  date  chosen,  the  com- 
mittee reported  that  pei-mission  be  granted,  which  report  was  accepted 
by  the  Board  of  Aldermen.  But  after  careful  deliberation  and  due 
consideration  of  the  day  and  object,  it  does  not  seem  proper  that  the 
“Cradie  of  Liberty”  should  be  misused,  as  it  is  evidently  designed  to, 
by  those  to  whom  the  permit  was  granted.  This  may  sound  iike  bad 
doctrine  and  seem  narrow  to  some  minds,  but  when,  as  is  the  fact,  the 
preponderance  of  public  opinion  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  is  that  the 
course  of  the  English  government  is  tyrannous  in  the  treatment  of  its 
subjects,  it  is  not  right,  proper  or  just  that  that  widespread  feeling 
should  be  falsified  in  the  least  degree  by  a body  of  men  in  our  “Cradle 
of  Liberty,”  dedicated  to  free  speech  for  human  rights,  and  not  to  be 
desecrated  by  words  of  sympatliy  with  coercion  and  crimes  acts. 

It  is  especially  an  unfit  time  for  the  “Cradle  of  Liberty”  to  be  rocked 


34 


BRmSH-*\MERICAN  ASSOCIATION. 


now  in  favor  of  a ruler  who,  if  she  desired,  could  at  once  strike  the 
shackles  from  a burdened,  downtrodden,  impoverished  people,  and  yet 
she  stands  quietly  by  and  sees  millions  of  her  subjects  gi*ound  down  by 
law3.which  would  be  discreditable  to  arace  of  barbarians.  Free  speech 
is  the  right  of  every  American  citizen,  native  born  and  adopted,  and  this 
figlitwedo  not  question  nor  object  to,  but  we  do  object  to  the  olficial 
hall  of  this  city  being  used  for  the  purpose  of  misrepresenting  the  pub- 
lic sentiment  in  our  midst,  for  while  the  avowed  object  of  the  banquet  is 
to  raise  money  for  free  beds  in  a hospital,  the  gauze  is  too  thin,  and  the 
voices  of  those  who  intend  to  participate  too  loud  in  their  declaratiL»u  of 
their  intention,  to  wish  Godspeed  to  the  Queen  and  the  Parliament 
which  is  now  passing  through  its  last  stages  an  infamous  bill  against 
human  rights. 

The  great  old  man,  Gladstone,  all  his  life  a conservative  until  the  last 
few  years,  has  blossomed  out  as  the  grandest  champion  of  human  rights, 
has  over  and  over  acknowledged  his  indebtedness  t.»  the  sentiment  of 
AraericA  in  aid  of  his  heroic  labors  for  the  downtrodden  and  oppressed, 
and  yet  are  we  to  persist  in  allowing  this  license  to  stand.  At  one  blow 
we  would  have  taken  from  beneath  him  one  of  the  main  props  in  his 
support  in  the  grandest  battle  of  his  life. 

Believing  therefore  that  the  cause  of  liberty  and  human  rights  alike 
demand  it,  your  committee  recommend  the  passage  of  the  following 
order. 

PATRICK  .1.  DONOVAN. 

JOHN  II.  SULLIVAN. 

Ordered,  That  the  permission  granted  May  31  to  James  Wemyss,  Jr., 
and  others  to  use  Faneuil  IlaU  on  the  evening  of  June  21  be  and  the 
same  is  hereby  revoked. 

Alderman  Allen  of  the  committee  presented  the  following 
* minority  report : 

City  Hall,  Boston,  June  20, 1887. 

The  committee  on  Faneuil  Hall,  to  whom  was  refeirod  the  petitions 
of  the  remonstrants  asking  for  a hearing  in  relation  to  the  use  of  Fau- 
euil  Hall  by  the  English  and  Scotch  societies  on  the  evening  of  Jime  21, 
for  a banquet,  beg  leave  to  report : 

That  the  petitioners  were  duly  notified  through  the  public  press  of  a 
hearing,  ancl  presented  themselves  before  your  committee,  each  petition 
having  one  or  more  representatives  in  attendance.  Due  consideraiion 
has  been  given  to  the  various  arguments  as  set  forth  by  the  petitioners, 
but  I fail  to  see  that  sufficient  evidence  has  been  advanced  to  warrant 
me  in  recommending  that  the  permit  for  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  for  a 
banqueten  the  evening  of  June  21  be  revoked.  On  the  contrary,  the 
persons  to  whom  the  use  of  the  hall  has  been  granted  on  the  above  date 
are  American  citizens,  also  citizens  and  taxpayers  of  Boston,  and  they 
have  complied  with  every  condition  that  covers  the  granting  and  use  of 
said  hall;  hence,  in  the  judgment  of  the  undersigned,  a member  of  your 
committee,  their  claim  to  it  is  valid.  I would,  therefore  recommend  that 
the  petitioners  represented  severally  by  E.  M.  Chamberlain,  William  I. 
Murray,  Henry  W.  Brown,  P.  O’Neil  Larkin  and  others,  remonstrants 
affainstthe  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  by  James  Wemyss,  Jr.,  and  others,  for  a 
banquet  on  the  evening  of  June  21,  have  leave  to  withdraw. 

C.  H.  Allen. 

Alderman  Allen  moved  that  the  minority  report  be  substi- 
tuted for  the  majority.  Lost  by  a vote  of  6 to  6,  as  follows : 

Yeas  — Aldermen  Allen,  Bromwich,  Capen,  Haynes,  W.  G. 
Smith  and  C.  W.  Smith. 

Naj's  — Aldermen  Carroll,  Donovan,  Lee,  Maguire,  Mc- 
Laughlin and  Sullivan. 

A motion  to  accept  the  majority  report  was  defeated  by  the 
same  vote. 


British-American  Association. 


35 


Later  in  the  session  Alderman  Carroll  offered  an  order,  that 
the  order  granting  permission  for  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  to 
fames  Wemyss,  Jr.,  and  others  on  June  21,  be  revoked. 

In  support  of  the  order  Alderman  Carroll  said  : 

This  is  a question  that  is  entirely  an  American  one.  VVe  • 
all  know  the  history  of  Faneuil  Hall.  It  was  the  birthplace 
of  liberty.  Its  doors  have  always  been  thrown  open  to  the 
mighty  minds,  that  they  might  defend  the  oppressed  of  every 
clime,  and  to  promote  liberty  all  over  the  world.  It  is  Bos- 
ton’s proudest  boast  that  in  her  limits  she  holds  Faneuil  Hall. 
As  a bo}^  I have  been  taught  to  reverence  that  old  hall  and  the 
j sacred  memories  that  are  attached  to  it.  Here  has  been  heard 
' the  eloquence  of  Winthrop,  Adams,  John  Phillips,  Sumner, 
Choate,  Webster,  Beecher,  Wendell  Phillips  and  others  in 
defence  of  liberty.  These  men  lived  in  three  distinct  periods 
of  the  history  of  our  country,  and  their  utterances  have  left 
these  impressions  on  the  life  of  this  country.  They  have 
inspired  patriotism  and  fidelity  to  the  sacred  memories  of 
Faneuil  Hall,  and  as  one  inspired  by  these  teachings,  and  as 
an  American,  I'  raise  my  voice  in  holy  protest  against  the 
desecration  of  Faneuil  Hall  in  the  manner  proposed.  The 
request  is  unprecedented  in  the  history  of  this  city;  and  as 
Americans,  with  a proper  respect  for  the  memory  of  the  dead, 
with  a just  regard  for  the  living,  we  should  be  true  to  our- 
selves and  teach  the  world  that  in  the  city  of  Boston,  at  least, 
liberty  still  lives,  and  that  the  Cradle  of  Liberty  will  not  be 
disgraced  by  any  jubilee  celebration  to  the  Qiieen  or  to  the 
government  of  England.  I do  not  speak  of  the  Queen  as  an 
individual;  but  what  she  represents — the  worst  government 
on  the  face  of  the  earth,  if  the  theory  of  the  American  republic 
is  correct;  and  with  this  knowledge  it  is  proposed  to  desecrate 
-that  house,  sacred  to  the  name  of  liberty,  by  allowing  its  use 
for  the  purpose  mentioned.  I hope  the  fire  of  patriotism  is 
not  so  low  as  to  tolerate  such  a thought  for  one  moment. 

If  such  a thing  should  take  place,  it  would  be  a just  thing  if 
a kind  providence  would  put  life  into  the  pictures  on  the 
walls,  that  we  might  hear  our  condemnation  from  those 
patriots,  whose  lives  and  happiness  they  gave,  that  Faneuil 
Hall  and  what  she  represents  might  live.  It  maybe  said  th  it 
this  is  sentiment.  I admit  that  it  is  sentiment,  and  I hope 
that  such  sentiment  shall  ever  live  in  this  our  country.  And 
above  all,  let  this  our  city  of  Boston,  with  the  memories  of 
Bunker  Hill  and  Faneuil  Hall  forever  in  front  of  us,  protect 
with  undydng  devotion  the  Cradle  of  Liberty,  and  let  us,  the 
representatives  of  the  people  of  1887  set  our  seal  of  condem- 
nation on  the  attempt  to  desecrate  that  sacred  spot,  and  by  so 
doing,  show  to  the  world  that  we  are  true  citizens  of  the 
United  States  and  that  we  respect  and  revere  our  own  Faneuil 
Hall  and  will  not  allow  its  desecration. 

Alderman  Bromwich  said  — I hadn’t  proposed  to  say  any- 


36 


British-American  Association. 


thing  in  regard  to  this  Faneuil  Hall  affair,  but  I have  feelings 
in  this  matter  the  same  as  every  other  man  has.  There  is  no 
man  at  this  board  who  has  received  more  benefits  from  this 
good  old  city  than  the  individual  who  is  now  addressing  you, 
.a:id  there  isn’t  another  man  in  this  hall  who  has  received  more 
cuffs  and  buffs  from  the  government  of  England  than  your 
humble  servant.  I have  received  every  advantage  here,  and 
1 have  always  detested  the  government  of  Great  Britain.  I 
know  that  the  sentiments  of  people  throughout  Boston  have 
been  in  opposition  to  the  granting  of  this  permission,  and 
there  is  perhaps  hardly  a citizen  here  who  advocates  it.  The 
people  of  Boston  generally  regret,  perhaps,  that  we  gave  a 
permit  for  the  hall  to  be  used  for  such  an  occasion,  but  as  we 
have  committed  ourselves,  it  is  perhaps  better  to  let  it  stand. 
I think  so  myself.  I have  been  a member  of  the  British 
Charitable  Association  for  nearly  ten  years,  although  I have 
attended  but  two  of  its  meetings.  I joined  it  for  the  speci- 
fic purpose  of  assisting  — as  people  of  different  nation- 
alities do  for  their  countrymen  — the  indigent  coming  here 
from  England,  and  those  suffering  from  poverty,  to  return  to 
their  homes,  or  in  some  manner  to  assist  them  in  business. 
That  is  all  I have  to  do  with  the  society,  and  no  one  can  gain- 
say that  some  of  the  most  estimable  men  in  Boston  belong  to 
that  organization.  But  had  I been  consulted  in  any  manner, 
or  had  I a vote  to  give,  when  that  committee  met  to  engage  the 
hall,  I should  most  certainly  have  been  in  favor  of  recommend- 
ing that  they  should  not  do  so.  But  it  was  done.  I am  here 
a member  of  that  organization,  as  I have  said,  for  ten  y'ears, 
and  I have  never  received  notice,  either  from  the  secretary,  or 
any  of  the  members,  that  they  proposed  to  have  any  meeting 
there  at  all.  I think  we  shall  commit  no  error  in  carving  out 
what  we  first  did,  but  we  shall  gain  more  friends,  for  the  sen- 
timents of  those  opposed  to  it  are  spread  far  and  near,  and 
such  a thing  will  very  likely  not  happen  again.  But  at  this 
late  hour,  when  provision  and  preparation  for  this  occasion 
have  been  made,  and  where  many  legal  tax-payers  are  interest- 
ed and  intend  to  meet  and  dine  ( it  does  not  so  specify,  but  we 
all  know  what  it  means),  I will  say  that  although  I am  opposed 
totally  to  the  government  of  England,  we  should  not  now 
recede  from  our  action. 

It  will  he  observed  that  five  of  the  six  Aldermen  who 
voted  in  favor  of  the  British  Societies  using  the  Hall,’ 
were  Americans,  and  the  sixth  an  Englishman,  and  the 
jix  that  voted  against  the  use  of  the  Hall  were  Irishmen. 

Comment  on  this  is  needless,  the  facts  speak  for  them- 
selves. 

In  the  evening  the  remonstrants  marched  through  the 
city  with  a band  of  music,  scattering  small  handbills 


• British-American  Association. 


37 


through  the  town,  calculated  to  inflame  the  Irish  against 
those  of  British  birth.  The  slums  of  Boston  were  emptied 
that  night,  the  inhabitants  having  flocked  to  Faneuil  Hall. 
What  occurred  there  is  best  told  in  the  following  descrip- 
tion published  in  the  Boston  Herald, 

••ANT! -DESECRATIONS 


Irish-Americans  Hold  Three  Spirited  Meetings  and 
Protest  Against  the  Use  of  FaneuU  Hall. 

The  meeting  held  in  Faneuil  Hall  last  night  to  protest 
against  the  use  of  that  historic  edifice  for  the  celebration  of 
Qiieen  Victoria’s  jubilee  bj  the  united  British  societies  of 
Boston,  was,  in  point  of  attendance,  in  the  enthusiasm  exhib- 
ited and  in  the  nature  of  the  protest  made,  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  ever  l>eld  in  this  city.  The  people  who  came  to 
protest  came  early.  They  filled  the  street  between  Faneuil 
Hall  and  Quincy  market  before  the  hour  for  opening  the  hall 
liad  arrived.  It  was  at  the  beginning  a good-natured  crowd, 
and  jokes  of  varying'  shades  of  respectability  were  cracked  at 
the  expense  of  Victoria  while  the  gathering  waited  for  the 
janitor  to  open  the  hall.  But  when  the  time  for  opening  the 
doors  came  and  the  people  were  denied  admission,  it  began  to 
be  conjectured  that  a game  to  outwit  them  was  being  played. 
I'he  true  solution  of  the  trouble  was  long  in  coming.  Certain 
mysterious  policemen  passed  through  the  throng,  made  their 
way  into  the  hall,  and  then  came  back  again.  When  a police- 
man is  in  a hurry  and  has  important  matters  of  state  on  his 
mind,  he  doesn’t  interview  well;  consequently  it  was  impos- 
sible for  the  crowd  to  find  out  just  how  matters  stood.  It  was 
apparent  to  everybody,  however,  that  trouble  was  brewing  in 
some  quarter,  but  it  was  impossible  to  locate  the  centre  of  the 
impending  storm.  Presently  a partial  explanation  of  the 
trouble  began  to  circulate  through  the  crowd.  It  was  said 
that  the  permit  presented  to,  the  janitor  for  the  use  of  the  hall 
was  defective,  and  until  one  was  offered  in  formal  shape  the 
doors  would  not  be  opened.  No  one  seemed  to  have  any  ad- 
equate conception  of  the  formula  pursued  at  City  Hall  in  the 
granting  of  a permit.  Some  held  that  the  permit  should  be 
signed  by  the  mayor,  and  others  that  the  chirography  of  the 
president  of  the  board  of  aldermen  should  grace  it  before  it 
could  be  recognized  by  a janitor  at  Faneuil  Hall.  After  de- 
bating the  matter  at  length  — each  man  with  his  neighbor  — 
the  crowd  became  of  the  opinion  that  either  Mayor  O’Brien  or 


38 


British-American  Association.  . 


Alderman  Donovan  was  responsible  for  keeping  it  out  of  the 
hall.  Had  either  of  these  gentlemen  been  present  and  list- 
ened to  the  remarks  made  about  them  it  might  have  made 
them  tremble  for  their  political  futures.  Execrations,  deep, 
loud  and  prolonged,  were  called  down  upon  their  heads. 
They  were  branded  as  traitors  to  their  race,  as  designing  and 
untrustworthy  politicians,  and  as  utterly  undeserving  of  the 
respect  of  honest  and  earnest  men.  Alderman  Donovan  was 
regarded  as  the  greatest  offender  of  the  two,  probably  because 
of  his  original  stand  in  favor  of  the  granting  of  the  hall  to 
the  British  societies.  His  name  was  hissed  and  cursed  upon 
every  hand. 

The  time  sped  by  rapidly,  and,  as  the  hall  did  not  open  by 
8 o’clock,  the  crowd  began  to  think  that  no  meeting  would  be 
held.  Not  a man  thought  of  going  home,  however.  Every- 
body was  determined  that  if  he  could  not  protest  in  the  hall, 
he  could  in  the  street.  There  was  an  element  in  the  crowd 
bent  upon  violence.  The  cry  was  raised  several  times  to  force 
the  doors  of  the  hall,  and  several  attempts  were  made  to  surge 
the  multitude  in  that  direction,  but  these  efforts  were  of  j o 
avail.  The  crowd  recognized  that  it  was  upon  its  good  be- 
havior and  could  not  afford  to  resort  to  violence. 

The  most  unique  feature  of  the  affair  was  that  its  real  pur- 
pose— to  protest  against  the  granting  of  the  hall  to  the  Brit- 
ish societies — was  for  a great  part  of  the  time  forgotten.  The 
real  significance  of  the  gathering  was  obscured  by  the  fight 
between  Alderman  Donovan  and  Philip  J.  Doherty,  It 
seemed  the  business  of  everybody  to  execrate  the  name  of 
Donovan,  and  to  correspondingly  laud  the  name  of  Doherty. 
The  injection  of  this  political  feud  into  the  gathering  added 
intensely  to  its  bitterness.  It  was  risky  business  even  to  say 
a word  in  favor  of  Donovan,  or  to  even  suggest  that,  after  all, 
he  might  not  be  to  blame. 

About  8.30  the  orators  in  the  crowd  began  to  make  them- 
selves heard.  At  that  hour  all  hope  of  securing  the  hall  had 
vanished. 

THE  OUT-DOOR  MEETING. 


Stirring  Speeches  Made  and  Ringing  Resolutions 
Adopted. 

George  J.  Moulton  of  the  Central  Labor  Union  had  called  a 
meeting  to  order,  and  after  a few  words  of  introduction,  which 
could  not  be  heard  above  the  noise  of  the  crowd,  he  introduced 
E.  M.  Chamberlin  as  the  first  speaker. 

Mr.  Chamberlin,  though  thoroughly  used  to  public  speaking, 
could  do  little  with  such  an  audience.  His  voice  could  be  heard 


British-American  Association. 


89 


distinctly  but  a few  yards  from  where  he  stood,  so  great  was  the 
noise  and  confusion  about  the  place.  lie  was  heard  to  say,  how- 
ever, that  Faneuil  Hall  should  remain  uncontaminated  by  the 
touch  of  royalty,  and  this  was  sufficient  to  make  the  crowd  yell  as 
if  mad.  It  was  not  until  Fr.  McKenna  was  presented  that  any- 
thing like  attention  was  paid  to  the  speakers.  As  soon  as  he  was 
recognized  the  great  audience  grew  calm,  and  his  words  were  lis- 
tened to  with  respectful  attention.  Every  reference  to  royalty 
was  greeted  with  hisses  and  groans. 

Rev.  P.  A.  McKenna  of  Hudson  made  a rousing  speech  amid 
the  darkness  and  the  dampness  of  the  east  wind.  He  reviewed 
tl;e  attempts  made  by  the  British  government  to  destroy  this  Re- 
I'ublic  in  its  infancy,  as  well  as  during  the  rebellion.  I trust  that 
no  act  of  ours,  he  said,  will  lower  the  manly,  dignified,  elevated 
plane  on  which  we  seek  to  protect  Faneuil  Hall  from  desecration. 
SVe  protest  as  American  citizens,  as  lovers  of  liberty,  as  haters  of 
despotism,  of  all  that  the  English  government  has  stood  for.  We 
protest  again  and  again  against  the  proposed  desecration  of  to- 
morrow night.  Is  there  any  palliation  for  using  this  hall?  Could 
not  some  other  hall  or  hotel  have  been  taken  for  this  pur- 
pose? We  have  a country  in  which  we  enjoy,  thank  God,  free 
speech,  but  there  are  certain  places  and  occasions  where  the 
proprieties  and  the  eternal  fitness  of  things  are  to  be  observed. 
There  are  three  places  known  to  Englishmen  that  are  held  sacred 
by  Americans — Bunker  Hill,  the  Old  South  and  Faneuil  Hall. 
They  have  desecrated  the  Old  South,  they  have  tried  to  desecrate 
Bunker  Hill,  and  now  they  are  trying  to  desecrate  Faneuil  Hall. 
I swear  that,  if  that  banquet  takes  place  to-morrow  night,  I will 
never  enter  the  hall  again.  (Applause).  Before  this  meeting 
closes  I propose  to  send  across  the  water  (and  I will  pay  for  the 
cablegram  myself)  to  one  of  the  leaders  there  that  Faneuil  Hall 
is  to  be  desecrated  to-morrow  night,  on  account  of  misrepresenta- 
tions that  were  made  to  secure  its  use.  All  in  favor  of  that  reso- 
lution say  aye. 

THE  DOORS  FINALLY  OPENED. 

An  Immense  Cro^d  Rushes  in,  Speeches,  Applause, 
Groans  and  Hisses. 

About  8.45  Commissioner  John  R.  Murphy  appeared  upon  the 
scene,  took  in  the  situation  at  once,  and  made  a heroic  endeavor 
to  push  his  way  through  the  crowd  and  explain  matters  to  the 
janitor.  He  quickly  convinced  that  functionary  that  the  informal- 
ity in  the  permit  which  was  presented  to  him  was  of  no  conse- 
quence whatever,  and  that  the  hall  should  be  opened.  Commis 
sioner  Murphy  volunteered  to  assume  all  responsibility,  and  the 
doors  were  soon  opened.  The  crowd  rushed,  jammed  and  surged 
in  the  doors.  In  a very  few  minutes  the  hall  was  packed  to  over- 


40 


British-American  Association. 


flowing.  There  were  still  people  enough  left  upon  the  street  tc 
fill  another  hall  of  the  same  size,  who  refused  to  enter  what  they 
called  a desecrated  hall.  The  most  noticeable  thing  about  the 
audience  in  the  hall  was  the  absence  of  well-known  locaj  Irish- 
men. John  Bojle  O’Reilly,  Hon.  John  R.  Murphy  and  John  A. 
Coffey  were  the  only  ones  upon  the  platform  who  attracted  much 
attention.  The  audience  was  made  up  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
Irish  laboring  population,  and  it  cannot  be  exceeding  the  require- 
ments of  accuracy  to  say  that  no  more  uproarious,  excited  and  en- 
thusiastic gathering  ever  was  confined  within  the  walls  of  the  old 
halU  The  crowd  did  not  consider  itself  under  any  obligation  to 
agree  with  any  of  the  speakers,  and  frequent  occasion  was  taken 
to  shout'  in  derision  of  some  of  the  sentiments  uttered.  John 
Boyle  O’Reilly  called  the  meeting  to  order.  The  enthusiasm  was 
simply  indescribable  as  he  walked  to  the  front  of  the  platform  and 
attempted  to  speak.  Cheers  and  shouts  of  admiration  went  up 
from  the  crowd,  which  only  ceased  applauding  from  inability  to 
shout  no  longer.  When  silence  was  secured  Mr.  O’Reilly  said: 

I don’t  come  here  to-night  to  make  a speech ; I came  here  as  a 
citizen  to  listen  to  men  speaking  in  a protest  to  which  I wished  to 
keep  out  of,  because  I know  there  are  men  mean  enough  to  say 
that  I came  to  speak  for  the  obvious  motive  of  being  an  Irishman, 
(Cheers).  We  stand  here  now  in  a desecrated  Faneuil  Hall  (pro- 
longed cheers  and  applause. 

In  a hall  from  which  we  were  barred  out  until  the  threat  of 
public  indignation  made  them  open  the  doors  [hisses  and  ap- 
plause]; from  a hall  which  fellow-citizens  outside  repudiate  and 
refuse  to  enter  [cries  of  “Good”].  There  is  a larger  meeting 
outside  Faneuil  Hall  than  there  is  in  it.  I don’t  speak  as  an 
Irishman.  I would  as  soon  act  against  the  Czar  of  Russia,  if  they 
jubilated  in  his  honor,  with  the  prisons  and  mines  of  Siberia  filled 
with  Poles.  [Great  applause.]  I would  as  soon  come  here  in  the 
interest  of  negroes,  if  their  rights  were  attacked  in  any  part  of  the 
Union.  I came  as  a fellow-citizen  of  yours  to  protest  against  the 
murder  of  a tradition.  Men  say  with  their  selfish  interests  that  it 
is  no  crime  to  hold  a royalists  meeting  within  this  hall.  [ Hisses.] 
They  say  that  no  sentiment  can  be  wiped  out  by  violation  ; but  I 
say  those  men  do  not  understand  the  meaning  of  the  awful  words, 
violation  and  pollution.  There  is  no  crime  so  terrible  aspol'ution. 
[Cheers.]  There  is  no  death  so  awful,  as  that  which  results  from 
violated  honor.  [Renewed  cheers.]  Faneuil  Hall  could  stand 
the  waves  of  centuries,  could  stand  against  fire,  but  it  can  never 
stand  against  the  smoke  of  its  own  violated  altar.  [ Great 
applause.] 

I do  not  wish  to  bar  the  doors  of  this  hall  against  royalists. 
[A  chorus  of  yoices — ‘We  do.’]  These  men  have  been  let  in 
against  our  protest.  If  we  open  the  doors  we  must  bear  the 
burden;  on  our  heads  is  the  shame.  [A  voice  — Keep  them 
out.]  I say,  now,  that  after  the  banquet,  after  they  have  had 
their  baked  meats,  after  their  royalist  speeches  intended  to 


British- American  Association. 


41 


desecrate  and  destroy  a holy  tradition — after  that  is  the  end  of 
Faneuil  Hall.  [Cheers.]  I speak  for  myself,  honestly  and 
faithfully  to  my  own  conscience,  and  I know  I must  represent 
many  men  in  Boston.  I say  that  hereafter  we  must  remember 
that  the  English  have  Faneuil  Hall.  [A  voice — They  can’t 
have  it.]  I say  that  you  cannot  prevent  it.  [Voices — Yes, 
we  can.]  No,  no,  no.  The  opposition  is  too  late;  the  oppo- 
sition would  be  undignified  and  unworthy  of  us.  The  man 
who  raises  a finger  against  England  tomorrow  in  Boston  is 
unworthy  to  be  present  here  to-night.  [Applause.]  There 
is  a greater  opposition  than  the  opposition  of  paving  stones 
and  bludgeons ; leave  that  to  Lansdowne’s  mob.  [Cheers 
and  hisses.]  It  is  not  worthy  of  Boston,  it  is  not  worthy  of 
Faneuil  Hall;  but  I say  for  myself  what  I came  to  say,  that 
after  tomorrow  night  I trust  we  will  have  a hall  in  Boston  to 
which  men  may  come  for  a sanctuary.  There  was  a time 
when  this  hall  was  a sanctuary  for  the  oppressed.  When  a 
hunted  man  or  a weak  cause  were  running  from  kings  and 
oppression,  they  found  a sanctuary  here.  Kossuth  came  here 
from  Hungai*y.  Parnell  came  from  Ireland.  This  hall  has 
been  made  holy  by  the  words  of  great  men.  This  hall  has 
heretofore  been  unpoluted  by  the  breath  of  royalty.  [Ap- 
plause.] I want  to  say  that  after  the  royalist  banquet  tomor- 
row I shall  never  enter  the  walls  of  this  hall  again. 
[Tremendous  applause.]  I will  never,  so  help  me  God,  I will 
never.  May  my  tongue  cleave  to  my  mouth  if  I ever  speak  a 
word  for  mankind  again  in  Faneuil  Hall.  [Cheers  and 
applause.] 

We  have  quoted  only  from  McKenna’s  and  O’Reilly’s 
speeches  because  they  were  the  most  dangerous.  In 
connection  with  O’Reilly’s  speech,  it  will  be  well  to  add 
that  Mr,  James  Wemyss,  Jun.,  called  on  Mr.  O’Reilly  as 
a representative  Irishman  and  informed  him  that  he 
heard  that  there  would  be  trouble  from  this  excitement, 
and  that  he  did  not  want  to  see  Boston  disgraced  by  any 
act  of  violence.  Mr.  O’Reilly  said  : Mr.  Wemyss,  if 

you  can  let  me  know  of  any  source  from  which  you  ex- 
pect trouble,  I w'ill  do  all  in  my  power  to  help  you,  and 
use  all  my  influence  to  allay  the  excitement.”  Right  in 
the  face  of  that  declaration  he  went  to  this  meeting  and 
tried  to  inflame  the  worst  passions  of  the  crOwd  by  little 
tricks  of  speech  well  understood  by  every  political  agita- 
tor. 


42 


British-American  Assocution. 


THE  BANQUET, 


The  Speech  of  President  Wemyss, 

[Boston  Herald,  June  22, 1887.] 

That  the  sons  and  daughters  of  ‘"the  right  little  tight 
little  isle  ” have  reserved  a place  in  tl\eir  hearts  for  the  - 
land  of  their  birth,  despite  the  fact  that  a dreary  waste 
of  water  rolls  and  tumbles  between  them  and  that  land, 
was  shown  last  night  when  upward  of  400  of  them  as- 
sembled at  Faneuil  Hall,  and  by  song,  speech,  and  merry- 
making, did  what  they  could  to  testify  their  love  and 
appreciation  for  Queen  Victoria,  who  has  passed  the  50th 
year  of  her  reign  as  Queen  of  the  United  Kingdom,  and, 
after  a life  filled  with  years  and  with  honors,  is  now  pass- 
ing the  days  that  remained  to  her  surrounded  by  subjects, 
a portion  of  whom  at  least,  love  and  venerate  the  woman 
wlio  now  rules  the  destinies  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
not  to  mention  her  numerous  possessions  in  other  and 
more  remote  portions  of  the  globe.  To  say  that  the 
scene  was  an  inspiriting  one  but  faintly  describes  it,  and 
that  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  in  attendance  enjoyed 
every  moment  of  the  occasion  goes  without  saying. 
The  fact  that  outside  the  hall  there  was  a large  mob  of 
people  who  looked  upon  them  with  disfavor,  to  put  it 
mildly,  did  not  seem  in  the  least  to  disturb  their  calm 
serenity.  To  use  an  expression  borrowed  from  a well 
known  Methodist  collection,  “not  a wave  of  trouble 
rolled  across  their  peaceful  breasts.” 

The  guests  began  to  reach  the  hall  as  early  as  7 
o’clock,  and  from  that  time  until  8 :35,  at  which  hour  the 
banquet  commenced,  the  arrivals  were  numerous,  so  that 
when  the  time  came  to  march  to  the  dining  hall  there 
was  a very  large  attendance.  A little  incident  occurred 
in  the  early  evening  that  threatened,  in  the  minds  of 
many  of  the  committee,  to  put  an  end  to  the  festivities 
in  a rather  summary  manner.  When  the  police  first  ar- 
rived at  the  hall  they  discovered  that  the  gas  had  been 
shut  off ; in  fact,  there  was  a total  lack  of  illum-inating 
power.  A council  of  war  was  hurriedly  held,  and  a man 


British-American  Association. 


48 


dispatched  to  the  headquarters  of  the  gas  company  for  an 
employe  to  remedy  the  difficulty,  which  was  speedily 
accomplished.  Matters  having  thus  been  put  to  rights, 
the  ruffled  feelings  of  the  committeemen  were  smoothed, 
and  matters  were  allowed  to  proceed. 

The  banquet  hall  presented  a magnificent  appearance 
as  the  guests  marched  in,  it  having  been  lavishly  decorated 
for  the  occasion  by  Lamprell  & Marble.  On  the  platform 
were  placed  a large  number  of  potted  plants,  while  the 
two  tables  which  graced  the  platform  were  lavishly  deco- 
rated with  splendid  specimens  of  the  florists’  art.  Above 
the  front  platform  was  the  city  seal,  around  which  was 
wreathed  in  an  artistic  manner  the  English,  Scottish  and 
American  flags,  intertwined.  On  either  side  of  the  side 
galleries  were* the  British  coat  of  arms  and  the  cross  of 
St.  George,  and  the  state  seal  of  Massachusetts.  Over 
the  end  gallery  were  the  British  and  American  flags,  while 
depending  from  the  ceiling  were  streamers  and  American 
flags.  In  the  body  of  the  hall,  and  running  lengthwise, 
were  lo  tables,  loaded  down  with  things  to  make  glad  the 
heart  of  man ; and  that  the  aesthetic  senses  of  the  guests 
were  not  forgotten  was  shown  by  the  lavish  floral  decora- 
tions, the  sweet  perfume  from  which  permeated  ever)' 
portion  of  the  hall.  In  the  gallery  was  stationed  the 
British-American  band,  which  discoursed  English  and 
American  airs  during  the  courses,  much  to  the  satisfaction 
of  those  present,  who  applauded  them  at  intervals  in  the 
most  vigorous  manner. 

The  banquet  was  given,  let  it  here  be  stated,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Consolidated  British  and  Scottish  Soci- 
eties, and  the  money  realized  goes  for  the  humane  pur- 
pose of  the  purchase  of  free  beds  in  the  hospital  for  the 
benefit  of  Englishmen  and  Scotchmen  who  find  themselves 
in  this  country  in  a destitute  condition.  The  societies 
represented  included  the  British  Charitable,  Scots  Chari- 
table, Caledonian  Club,  Sons  of  St.  George  (34  lodges). 
Independent  Order  of  Odd  Fellows  (Manchester  Unity), 
and  the  British-American  Benevolent  Association. 

After  all  had  been  seated,  the  divine  blessing  was  in- 
voked by  Dr.  Derrick  of  New  York,  and  without  further 
ceremony  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  were  invited  to  eat, 


44 


British-American  Association. 


drink  and  be  merry  to  the  long  life  and  continued  pros- 
perity of  Her  Majesty  Queen  Victoria,  which  they 
proceeded  to  do  in  a manner  that  made  glad  the  heart  of 
Caterer  Dooling,  to  whom  had  been  intrusted  the  duty  of 
catering  for  the  occasion  ; and  for  upward  of  an  hour  and 
a half  there  was  nothing  heard  but  the  musical  tin^kle  of 
knife,  fork  and  spoon  as  they  clicked  merrily  against  the 
wine  glasses,  which  were  emptied  again  and  again  to  the 
honor  of  Victoria.  The  menu  was  a work  of  art,  and 
drew  forth  many  encomiums  beVause  of  its  handsome 
appearance.  On  the  outer  leaf  was  a steel  engraving  of 
Her  Majesty  Queen  Victoria,  as  she  now  appears  in  state 
robes,  while  on  the  inside  was  a representation  of  her 
majesty  as  she  appeared  at  her  coronation  50  years  ago. 
The  menu  was  also  emblished  with  vie\v^  of  Balmoral 
and  Windsor  castles. 

PRESIDENT  WEMYSS'  ADDRESS. 

President  Wemyss  said,  when  the  applause  with  which 
he  had  been  received  had  in  a measure  subsided  ; Ladies 
and  gentlemen  and  invited  guests,  as  president  of  the 
consolidated  committee  I welcome  you,  every  one  of  you, 
to  this  banquet  tonight.  I trust  when  you  leave  this  hall 
you  will  go  home  satisfied  and  pleased  with  the  exercises 
of  the  evening.  A liberty  loving  people  meet  to-night  in 
“the  old  Cradle  of  Liberty”  [applause]  to  do  honor  to  a 
noble  woman,  one  who  has  proved  herself  absolutely 
beyond  reproach  as  a woman,  a wife,  a mother  a widow, 
and  a queen.  [Prolonged  applause  and  cheers.]  It  is 
charged  that  we  have  insulted  the  American  people  by 
holding  this  banquet  here  to-night.  [Cries  of  “No, 
no.’’J  To  this  we  say,  God  forbid ! [Applause  and 
cheers.]  No  truer  or  more  loyal  people  to  the  glorious 
stars  and  stripes  can  be  fouud  on  this  continent  than  the 
people  I see  before  me  at  this  time.  [Renew  ed  cheers 
and  applause.]  And  now  Scotsmen,  Englishmen,  Welsh- 
men and  Irishmen — for  I see  many  of  them  before  me, 
as  noble  fellows  as  ever  walked  the  earth  [applause]  I 
say  to  you  let  the  statement  go  forth  to-night  from  this 
old  Cradle  of  Liberty,  and  I trust  it  will  reach  the  heart 


Briti^-American  Association.  45 

of  every  true  American,  that  before  many  months  go  over 
our  heads  our  people  shall  demonstrate  to  those  who  have 
the  best  interest  of  America  at  heart  that  we  are  with 
them  in  all 'that  pertains  to  the  welfare  of  the  land  of  our 
adoption.  [Applause.]  ' No  American  will  deny  that  we 
are  a law  abiding  people,  and  in  the  language  of  one  of 
our  Massachusetts  ex-Governors,  we  don’t  come  here  to 
fill  your  almshouses  and  your  state  prisons.”  [Applause 
and  cries  of  “That’s  so.”]  To  the  question  which  has 
been  so  often  asked,  what  has  Queen*  Victoria  done  for 
Ireland  that  her  jubilee  should  be  celebrated,  the  natural 
reply  is  that  the  measure  of  the  Queen’s  duties  and 
powers,  or  opportunities,  any  more  than  the  merits  or. 
dismerits  of  her  government  in  relation  to  Ireland,  is  not 
the  business  before  this  gathering.  Nor  do  we  admit  that 
any  one  presuming  to  speak  for  Ireland  should  challenge 
our  actions  as  American  citizens.  Further,  that  the 
Queen  of  Great  Britain  is  not  the  government,  and  that 
the  question  is  an  absurdity.  But,  accepting  the  question 
and  the  manner  of  its  presentation,  the  answer  is,  and  it  is 
given  in  response  to  direct  contradictions,  that  Queen 
Victoria,  as  the  head  of  the  British  Government,  spent 
^7,000,000  (^35,000,000)  in  the  endeavor  to  alleviate 
the  woes  of  the  Irish  famine.  It  is  not  claimed  that  the 
wisest  course  was  pursued  in  the  expenditure  of  this  sum, 
or  that  anything  like  the  best  results  were  obtained,  but 
that  the  will  to  do  good  and  the  money  were  there,  even 
though,  as  in  too  many  cases,  official  incapacity  rendered 
the  aid  less  efficient  than  it  should  have  been. 

From  the  time  that  Sir  Robert  Peel  in  1845,  anticipat- 
ing the  later  famine,  spent  $500,000  in  the  purchase  of 
corn  on  government  account  for  the  sufferers,  until  1849, 
four  years  later,  Queen  Victoria  put  in  force  the  stream 
of  money  which  sought  to  relieve  Ireland’s  woes.  So  did 
the  Quakers  spend  $840,000  and  the  British  Relief  Asso- 
ciation $2,500,000.  These  facts  are  denied  of  passed 
over.  It  has  been  claimed  the  landlords  got  it,  and  that 
the  poor  people  did  not.  It  is  also  claimed  that  the 
Irish  people  were  very  grateful.  Sir  Charles  Trevelyan 
wrote  at  the  time  on  the  union  of  heart  shown  by  British 
sympathy  for  Ireland.  Addresses  are  even  existing  in 


46 


British -American  Asscvjaj  ion. 


this  city,  and  can  be  shown,  where  this  public’s  gratitutJe 
lor  English  assistance  has  been  offered.  The  Queen’s 
visit  to  Ireland  in  1849  gave  sufftcient  evidence  of  liie 
fact  that  the  people  were  grateful  notwithstanding  all 
this  ; and  today  we  find  in  the  public  prints,  and  bellowed 
from  the  platform,  statements  to  the  effect  that  no  help 
was  given  by  the  British  government.  The  en- 
cumbered estates  act  of  1849,  the  compensation  for 
improvement  and  disturbance  act  of  1859,  the  clemency 
shown  the  leaders  of  revolt,  the  disestablishment  of  the 
Irish  church,  the  two  land  acts  of  Mr.  Gladstone,  the 
arrears  of  rent  bill  of  1882  that  wiped  out  so  much  debt, 
the  security  given  to  the  holding  of  land  and  the  legisla- 
tion against  the  arbitrary  raising  of  rent,  Lord  Ashborne’s 
and  other  purchase  acts — all  these  and  more  point  to  an 
hon-est  desire  to  meet  Irish  demands  in  a generous  spirit. 
No  one  regrets  misunderstanding  more  than  w^e,  and  we 
believe  it  to  be  our  duty  to  help  on  all  legitimate  and 
proper  aspirations  of  people  for  yet  further  measures  of 
liberty.  But  it  is  not  necessary  to  this  that  all  evil  should 
be  called  good,  and  good,  evil,  and  that  all  the  attempts 
to  make  Ireland  happy  should  be  met  with  the  too  often 
ignorant  hate’ that  refuses  to  accede  good,  or  accepts  it 
and  curses  the  giver. 

TOASTING  PRESIDENT  CLEVELAND. 

The  first  toast  was  submitted  by  Secretary  P.  C.  Ander- 
son, as  follows : “ The  President  of  the  United  States, 
holding  his  office  by  the  supreme  will  of  a free  people ; 
may  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  each  represent- 
ing the  highest  development  of  constitutional  govern- 
ment, be  only  friendly  rivals  in  the  spread  of  civilization 
and  righteousness.”  The  response  to  this  toast  was 
given  by  the  audience  rising  and  joining  in  three  enthusi- 
astic cheers  for  President  Cleveland. 

President  Wemyss — We  are  somewhat  disappointed  in 
not  having  Collector  Saltonstall  wuth  us  to  respond  to  that 
toast.  But  you  have  responded  effectively  yourselves  ; in- 
ileed,  you  have  showm  a most  marked  esteem  for  the  ob- 
ject of  the  sentiment.  [Applause.]  We  have  now 


British-American  Association. 


47 


reached  that  part  of  the  programme  at  which  we  do  honor 
to  the  Queen.  I will  ask  you  to  rise  and  drink  to  the 
toast  of  Her  Majesty  Queen  Victoria. 

The  gathering  rose,  and  the  toast  was  drunk  with  much 
enthusiasm.  The  band  thereupon  played  the  national 
anthem,  and  Home  of  My  Childhood  ” was  sung  by  a 
quartet. 

President  Wemyss  then  said  : It  affords  me  the  greatest 
pleasure  to  be  able  to  introduce  to  you  one  who  scarcely 
needs  an  introduction — a gentleman  whom  we  have  learn- 
ed to  know,  appreciate  and  respect,  a gentlemen  who  is 
held  in  the  very  highest  esteem  in  our  association — and  I 
assure  you  he  is  right  welcome  here,  and  I know  he  is  a 
great  admirer  of  Queen  Victoria.  I take  great  pleasure 
in  introducing  to  you  Rev,  Dr.  Courtney  of  St.  Paul’s 
Church.  [Cheers.] 

Rev.  Dr.  Courtney  was  enthusiastically  received,  and 
made  the  speech  of  the  evening,  and  was  followed  by  Rev. 
Dr.  Derrick,  an  eloquent  colored  clergyman  from  New 
York. 


MOB  OUTSIDE  THE  HALL 


Disgraceful  Scenes  in  and  About  Adams  Square. 

(Boston  Herald,  June  22, 1887.) 

The  scenes  outside  of  Faneuil  Hall  last  evening,  between  8 and 
12  o’clock,  were  simply  disgraceful.  An  immense  number  of 
persons  gathered  in  the  vicinity  and  kept  up  as  much  of  a public 
disturbance  as  their  ingenuity  would  allow  them  to  devise.  It 
happened  that,  although  the  occurrences  of  the  recent  horse-car 
strikes  had  taught  a Boston  crowd  how  to  gather  and  disturb  the 
peace,  it  has  also  taught  the  police  authorities  how  to  quell  a dis- 
turbance. The  motto  of  the  commissioners  is  that  an  ounce  of 
prevention  is  worth  a pound  of  cme,  and  they  made  arrangements 
last  evening  for  a detail  of  men  which  would  have  been  equal  to 
subduing  a much  larger  demonstration. 

Siipt.  Small  made  up  at  the  outset  the  following  list,  who  were 
to  report  at  station  2 early  in  the  evening : Capt.  Dawson  of  sta- 
tion 1,  a lieutenant,  a sergeant  and  15  men;  Capt.  Hemmenway 
of  station  2 was  to  have  his  entire  available  force  on  hand,  about 
men,  with  lieutenant  and  sergeant;  a lieutenant,  sergeant  and 
15  men  from  stations  3.  5 and  6 respectively,  and  20  from  station 


48 


British-American  Association. 


4..  This  made  2 captains.  6 lieutenants,  6 sergeants  and  126 
men.  Sergt.  James  Keelan  was  to  report  at  Pemberton  square 
with  IG  mounted  men  from  stations  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  9,  10,  11,  13  and 
14.  All  the  other  reserve  men  in  the  city  were  ordered  to  wait 
on  call  in  their  respective  houses.  And  the  inspectors  of  police, 
19  in  all,  were  sent  about  8 o’clock  to  mingle  in  the  crowd  in 
citizen’s  dress.  ’ The  entire  force  thus  detailed  was  placed  under 
the  personal  direction  of  Deputy  Superintendent  Burrill. 

At  7.35  o’clock  calls  began  to  come  in  for  additional  men. 
After  that  time  as  fast  as  men  were  called  from  station  2 to  Fan- 
euil  Hall  others  were  sent  from  other  stations  to  keep  the  number 
good.  The  first  details  were  a sergeant  and  15  men  from  station 
1,  sergeant  and  10  men  from  station  3,  sergeant  and  15  men  from 
station  4,  and  a sergeant  and  15  men  from  station  15.  At  8.16 
another  sergeant  and  10  men  were  detailed  from  station  1 ; 5 men 
were  sent  from  station  4,  and  a sergeant  and  10  men  from  station 
6.  At  8.35  a lieutenant,  sergeant  and  20  men  were  detailed 
from  station  9,  and  an  equal  number  from  station  10.  At  8.50, 
a lieutenant,  sergeant  and  20  men  were  added  from  station  12. 

At  7.15  o’clock,  when  a Herald  reporter  first  went  into  Faneuil 
Hall  square  there  was  hardly  a person  there  except  the  police, 
who  looked  ludicrously  numerous.  'The  crowd  after  that  time 
gathered  at  first  very  slowly.  The  officers  insisted  upon  keeping 
everybody  moving,  and  in  their  zeal  even  came  near  “ firing”  an 
excellent  and  popular  gentleman  who  is  now  a member  of  the 
board  of  aldermen.  The  result  of  the  police  work  was  to  induce 
most  of  those  who  came  to  the  vicinity  to  poise  a little  out  of  the 
inner  square  and  get  together  in  knots  upon  the  sidewalk.  By  8 
o’clock  it  became  necessary  to  apply  the  hands  of  several  officers 
to  the  shoulders  of  individuals  who  started  to  argue  their  right  to 
stand  about  the  doorway  of  the  hall,  and  a quarter  of  an  hour 
later  a good  sized  crowd  was  gathering  in  Adams  square,  a few 
rods  away.  The  early  efforts  of  the  police  served  to  keep  the 
spaces  about  the  market  clear  with  little  further  difficulty,  and 
nearly  all  the  disturbance  which  followed  was  in  and  about  Adams 
square.  A deep  antipathy  seemed  to  pervade  the  crowd,  which 
now  grew  rapidly  in  numbers,  to  anything  in  the  shape  of  a car- 
riage or  herdic  which  seemed  destined  to  Faneuil  Hall,  and  it 
became  the  fashion  to  crowd  up  to  each  vehicle  as  it  appeared  and 
greet  it  with  insulting  words  and  hisses.  Sergt.  Keelan  and  his 
mounted  men,  however,  began  to  interfere  with  the  pleasant  di- 
version, and  began  to  clear  a respectable  space,  through  which 
carriages  might  pass  from  Washington  street  and  other  avenues  in 
that  direction.  It  was  also  decided  soon  after  to  clear  a part  of 
the  sidewalks,  and  the  horsemen  rode  upon  the  bricks  and  drove 
the  thickly  packed  crowd  ahead  of  tfiem,  amid  the  deepest  exe- 
crations of  the  mob,  who  demanded  to  know  whether  Queen 
Victoria  owned  Boston  sidewalks  as  well  as  the  “ Old  Cradle.” 
Several  of  the  streets  leading  into  Faneuil  Hall  square  were  then 
roped  off,  and  no  one  allowed  to  pass  unless  he  had  a ticket  to  the 


British- American  Association. 


49 


banquet  or  could  give  some  other  satisfactory  reason.  About  S.30 
two  cannon  crackers  were  exploded  with  a loud  noise,  causing  a 
rush  in  that  direction  and  another  charge  by  the  mounted  police. 
The  crowd  had  now  got  so  thick  that  even  w’ith  the  horses  it  was 
hard  to  force  a passage  for  a carriage  without  making  a regular 
charge  down  the  line  on  a gallop.  Ladies  and  gentlemen  on  foot, 
clad  in  garments  which  gave  the  impression  that  they  were  bound 
for  the  hall,  were  roundly  hissed  wherever  they  appeared.  In  one 
of  the  charges  of  the  mounted  men  a man  was  knocked  down 
near  the  curbstone  and  rolled  over  in  the  street.  For  an  instant 
cries  of  “Kill  the  ” arose  on  all  sides,  but  the  deter- 

mined actions  of  the  officers  prevented  any  outbreak.  Within 
a short  time  the  only  serious  accident  of  the  evening  occur- 
red. A little  9-year-old  fellow  named  Patsy  Horan,  who  lives 
at  No.  25  Pitts  street,  got  thrown  to  the  earth  by  one  of  the 
police  horses  and  considerably  bruised.  This  added  fuel  to  the 
ill-passions  of  the  crowd,  and  many  incendiary  remarks  were 
made  in  reference  to  it.  The  rumor  spread  every  w'here  that  a 
boy  had  been  “ killed,”  and  the  story  did  not  abate  the  senti- 
ment previously  formed  that  the  populace  were  being  op- 
pressed by  their  rulers.  The  names  of  the  various  aldermen 
and  of  Mayor  O’Brien  were  shouted  out  in  derision,  and 
hissed  over  and  over  again.  This  was  attended  with  cheers 
for  Parnell,  Gladstone  and  Boyle  O’Reilly.  A small  boy  who 
ventured  to  shout  “ God  save  the  Queen  ” in  a spirit  of  fun 
was  instantly  suppressed.  Pretty  soon  an  ambitious  orator 
mounted  the  pedestal  of  Samuel  Adams’s  statue  and  announced 
that  he  was  an  Anarchist  and  a djmamiter.  He  proceeded  to 
declaim  against  the  desecration  of  Faneuil  Hall,  and  though 
evidently  worse  for  liquor,  received  hearty  applause  from  his 
hearers.  Another  speaker  attempted  to  counsel  order,  and 
w'as  ignominiously  hustled  off.  After  this  had  gone  on  for  an 
hour  or  so  the  police  did  what  they  should  have  done  long  be- 
fore, cleared  the  crowd  from  around  the  statue.  Meanwhile 
Mr.  John  A.  Coffey,  the  orator  of  the  preceeding  evening, 
ceated  a temporary  excitement  by  asserting  his  right  to  pass  a 
line  of  officers  wffio  were  stationed  out  on  Dock  square.  Al- 
though Mr.  Coffey  pleaded  his  cause  with  some  eloquence,  he 
failed  to  convince  the  bluecoats,  and  withdrew  at  last,  threaten- 
ing to  carry  his  grievances  to  another  tribunal.  By  this  time 
not  less  than  15,000  people  were  in  Adams  square  or  close  to  it. 
It  was  decided  to  make  another  move  at  clearing  out  the 
crowd,  and  it  was  driven  by  a large  force  of  mounted  and 
unmounted  patrolmen  dx)wn  Washington  street  as  far  as  Han- 
over, and  part  of  it  up  to  Scollay  square.  After  this  the  assem- 
blage gradually  lessened  in  numbers,  aud,  before  the  banquet 
adjourned,  the  police  were  nearly  sole  masters  of  the  field.  For 
so  large  a crowd  and  so  much  noise  and  talk,  an  incredibly 
small  amount  of  real  violence  was  used.  What  might  have 
happened  but  for  the  full  police  detail  can  only  be  surmised. 


50 


British- American  Association. 


Not  less  than  400  policemen  were  on  the.  ground,  and  as  manj 
more  were  ready  for  any  call.  Commissioner  Whiting  spent 
the  evening  on  the  steps  of  Quincy  Market,  utilizing  a telephone 
inside,  communicating  with  Supt.  Small  at  headquarters. 

Not  since  the  draft-riots  in  1864  has  Boston  seen  such 
a dangerous  mob  as  was  collected  in  Faneuil  Hall  Square. 
At  that  time  a mob  collected  on  this  same  spot  and 
sacked  the  gim  stores  located  there,  then  attacked  the 
armory  in  Cooper  street,  where  by  the  liberal  use  of 
grape  and  canister  they  were  dispersed.  A mob  of 
15,000  composed  of  the  same  class,  surrounded  Faneuil 
Hall  on  this  evening  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
holding  of  the  Banquet  in  the  hall  in  honor  of  Queen 
ViCoria.  The  police  were  early  on  the  spot  and  chained 
off  the  square  surrounding  the  hall.  The  whole  police  force 
of  Boston,  consisting  of  upwards  of  800  were  called  out, 
armed  with  revolvers  ; 400  were  stationed  around  the  hall, 
and  as  the  patrol  wagon  drove  up  with  their  loads  of  men, 
it  appeared  as  if  Boston  was  in  a state  of  siege  ; no  per- 
son was  allowed  to  pass  within  the  chain  unless  he  had  a 
ticket.  The  mounted  police  repeatedly  charged  the  mob 
in  Older  to  allow  the  carriages  to  pass  to  the  hall.  The 
writer,  when  he  came  to  the  outskirts  of  the  mob  in  a 
carriage,  with  his  wife,  was  greeted  with  deafening  yells 
and  curses ; the  mob  was  charged  into  by  the  mounted 
police,  who  surrounded  the  carriage  and  escorted  it  with- 
in the  lines.  This  was  the  experience  of  nearly  everyone 
who  attended  the  banquet.  Several  of  the  military  com- 
panies of  Boston  were  under  arms,  and  Gatling  guns  were 
placed  in  position  so  they  could  rake  the  mob.  The  law- 
abiding  citizens  were  grateful  that  night  that  the  police 
force  had  been  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  city  author- 
ities and  placed  under  the  control  of  the  State,  which  was 
done  as  soon  as  Boston  came  under  Irish  Home  Rule. 

LION  AND  UNICORN  ^TACKED. 

An  attempt  was  made  at  about  3 o’clock  this  morning  by  a gang 
of  nine  men  to  pull  down  the  lion  and  unicorn  on  the  State  street 
end  of  the  old  State  House.  Entrance  to  the  building  was 
effected  by  the  side  door,  whence  the  men,  or  one  or  two  of  them, 


British-American  ASSOCIA'IION. 


51 


reached  the  roof,  where  they  fa.-^ened  ropes  to  the  lion  and  uni- 
corn. They  then  threw  the  other  ».nds  of  the  ropes  to  the  street 
and  descended,  after  locking  the  night  manager  of  the  Mutual 
District  Telegraph  Company,  Mr.  Foley,  in  his  office.  He,  how- 
ever, had  means  of  egress  through  a side  door.  From  his  room 
he  saw  the  men  tugging  at  the  ropes,  but  supposed  they  were 
telegraph  linemen.  His  curiosity  being  aroused  by  the  hard  time 
they  were  apparently  having  in  their  work,  he  went  out  to  see 
wnat  they  were  doing  when  they  all  ran.  It  would  probably 
have  required  but  a few  more  strong  pulls  to  accomplish  their 
object.  The  only  damage  done  was  the  partial  sawing  of  a 
copper  bolt  that  secured  the  Unicorn  to  the  building. 

At  the  first  meeting  of  the  Common  Council  of  the 
City  of  Boston  after  the  Jubilee,  the  following  order  was 
offered  by  an  Irishman  named  Whall. 

MEETING,  OF  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL 


Thursday,  June  23, 1887. 

Regular  meeting  of  the  Common  Council  at  7 :30  P.  M.,  President 
Barry  in  the  chair. 

FANEUIL  HALL. 

hlarly  in  the  session  Mr.  Whall  offered  the  following  : 

NVhereas  Faueuil  Hall,  by  the  words  and  deeds  of  the  fathers  in  the 
revolution,  became  the  Cradle  of  Liberty,  and  the  symbol  of  protest 
against  oppression  and  tyraniw,  and 

Whereas  from  the  time  of  the  fathers,  Fanetiil  Hall  has  echoed  only  the 
people’s  voice  in  behalf  of  liberty,  and 

Whereas  Faneuil  Hall  has  been  lately  used  to  sound  the  praises  of  a 
foreign  ruler,  whose  reign  is  marke«l  by  a series  of  assaults  upon  pop 
ular  rights,  and  is  clouded  by  a record  of  starvation,  exile,  and  oppres 
sion  of  millions  of  her  subjects ; 

Resolved,  That  the  Common  Council  of  the  city  of  Boston,  deeply 
deplores  the  faH  that  Faneuil  Hall,  consecrated  to* the  cause  of  liberty 
by  the  words  of  Adams,  of  Otis,  of  Webster,  of  Sumner,  and  of  Phillips, 
has  been  devoted  to  the  laudation  and  homage  of  a government  that  has 
ever  been  the  opponent  of  democratic  principles,  and  a persistent 
enemy  of  the  American  republic. 

The  preamble  and  resolution  were  declared  ordered  to  a second 
reading.  Mr.  Richards  doubted  the  vote  and  called  for  the  yeas  and 
nays,  which  were  ordered.  The  second  reading  was  ordered:  yeas  37, 
Aays  9 : 

Yeas— Atwood,  Barry,  Carroll,  Cochran,  Coleman,  Connolly,  Coyle, 
Davem,  Desmond,  Dolan.  Duggan,  Fisher,  Foss,  P.  J,  Gallagher, 
Gomez,  Hayes,  Keliher,  Kelley,  Kennedy,  Leary,  Mahoney,  McEnaney, 
McKeimy,  McNary,  J.  Mm-phy,  J.  J.  Murphy,  W.  H.  Mui-phy,  O’Mealy, 
E.  J.  Powers,  Shaw,  J.  H.  Sullivan,  R.  Sullivan,  Sundberg,  Teevens, 
Tracy,  Whall,  Whitmore— 37. 

Nays— Biume,  Burr,  Carstensen,  Dewey,  Fowler,  Frost,  Ladd,  Latti- 
more.  Light,  F.  Morison,  F.  R.  Morrison,  Norton,  Perkins,  Richards, 
Sanger,  Snow,  E.  Sullivan,  Thayer,  Wilson- 9. 

Absent  or  not  voting— Bowman,  Chamberlain,  Clark,  Drum,  Fottler, 
J.  Gallagher,  Haggerty, 'Harrington,  Lauten,  Nunan,  Perry,  C.  C. 
Bowers,  Reilly,  Short,  Tuttle,  Webster— 16. 


52 


British -American  Association. 


The  preambles  and  resolution  were  read  a second  time  and  put  upon 
their  passage. 

Mj.  Ladd— It  seems  to  me  that  the  words  of  the  resolution  are  alto- 
gether too  bitter  for  those  who  may  feel  like  condemning  the  use  of  that 
hall.  The  use  of  the  hall  was  granted  as  a matter  of  courtesy  merely. 
The  resolution  is  anything  but  comteous,  and  to  my  mind,  it  stamps 
those  who  support  it  as  anything  but  courteous.  It  looks  to  me  like 
a.very  small  thing  to  seize  upon  an  opportmiity  like  this,  when  at  least  one 
of  the  best  queens  that  the  world  has  ever  seen  is  celebrating  her  50th 
anniversary  upon  the  thi-one  of  that  country  which  leads  the  civibza- 
tion  of  the  I'Jth  centui-y.  All  the  elements  that  are  reaching  to  now 
tear  down  that  throne  and  to  tear  down  that  civilization  are  arrayed 
against  the  best  type  of  civilization  that  the  world  has  ever  seen ; and 
all  those  who  are  arraying  themselves  in  support  of  that  throne  and  in 
support  of  that  civilization  are,  to  my  mind,  arraying  themselves  on 
the  right  side.  The  struggle  in  this  country  is  the  same  as  the  struggle 
in  England  and  Ireland.  It  is  a struggle  between  those  who  are  trying 
CO  uphold  civilization  and  those  who  are  trying  to  caiTy  us  back  to  the 
barbarism  of  the  middle  ages;  and  if  their  theories  could  prevail,  this 
whole  country  of  ours  would  again  be  a howling  wilderness,  where 
men  would  live  only  in  tents,  subjected  to  the  elements  and  destroyed 
by  diseases,  and  famines,  and  contagious  complaints,  against  which 
their  ignorance  would  present  no  barriers.  Now,  that  is  the  question 
for  us  to  decide  here  tonight : Whether  we  will  vote  against  this  resolu- 
tion and  vote  to  sustain  our  present  civilization,  or  whether  we  will 
vote  to  go  back  to  barbarism?  Queen  Victoria  represents  civilization; 
the  anarchists,  tlie  socialists,  and  these  people  who  are  supporting  this 
resolution  are  one  and  the  same,  and  they  are  advocating  barbarism- 
nothing  else  in  the  world;  and  I challenge  anybody  to  successfully 
combat  that  proposition. 

Whall  replied  with  a bitter  tirade  against  England,  in 
which  he  said  I hate  England  and  everything  English.” 

Mr.  F.  Morison— Mr.  President,  I am  not  behind  the  gentleman  from 
Ward  7 in  my  patriotism  or  in  my  desire  to  have  Faneuil  Hall  used 
only  for  liberty.  But  I would  ask  this  body  before  thev  pass  tliis  res- 
olution whether  in  doing  so  they  are  not  striking  a blow  at  that  very 
liberty  for  which  Faneuil  Hall  has  always  stood.  It  has  been  sacred 
to  the  rights  of  minorities,  always  of  minorities.  When  a man  had  an 
idea,  or  a body  of  men  had  ideas,  which  might  not  be  acceptable  to 
the  majority  of  this  comnnmitj',  and,  conforming  to  the  statutes  and 
ordinances  on  the  subject,  petitioned  for  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall,  up 
to  this  time  there  have  been  found  very  few  occasions  when  the  per- 
mission was  not  granted.  There  has  been  one  occasion  before  this 
time,  and  that  was  the  occasion  when  Webster,  after  liis  celebrated  7th 
of  March  speech,  was  denied  the  use  of  this  hall.  I look  upon  it  as 
a disgrace  to  the  city  of  Boston,  and  I do  not  wish  that  disgrace  repeat- 
ed. Wliile  not  sympathizing  at  all  with  the  governing  classes  of 
England  in  their  present  attitude  towards  a large  portion  of  the 
Queen’s  subjects,  I should  be  very  soiTy  when  a number  of  citizens 
of  Boston  who  do  not  agree  with  me  in  those  matters  respectfully 
ask  for  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  for  any  purpose  that  is  decent  and 
respectable  if  they  should  not  be  allowed  to  have  it.  I believe  that  in 
that  my  views  are  similar  to  those  of  many  Democrats  in  the  city  of 
Boston.  One  of  them  spoke  to  me  before  I came  into  this  Council  tonight. 

He  is  a gentleman  who  has  always,  he  told  me,  voted  the  Democratic 
ticket.  He  has  lived  for  18  years  in  Calcutta  in  the  early  part  of  his  life, 
and  he  told  me  that  every *ycar  of  his  residence  in  Cai'eutta  the  Ameri- 
cans of  Calcutta  ceiebrated  the  Fourth  of  July.  And  where  did  they 
celebrate  the  Fourth  of  July?  By  the  courtesy  of  the  British  governor 
they  occupied  a hall  in  the  government  house,  there  celebrating  the  day 
on  which  was  declared  our  independence  from  Great  Britain.  Now  I 
think  that  shows  a catholicity  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  which  it 
would  be  shameful  for  Boston  not  to  emulate.  Gentlemen,  we  are  too 


British-American  Association. 


53 


strong  to  exhibit  this  petty  spirit.  This  great  nation  of  sixty  millions 
of  people  cares  not  for  such  small  matters  as  a few  men  celebrating  a 
small  festivity  in  Faneuil  Hall,— a few  dissenting  members  from  the 
majority  of  this  city  and  the  majority  of  the  people.  The  granting  of 
the  use  of  this  hall  will  not  be  construed  by  any  one,  it  will  not  be  con- 
strued even  by  the  British  government  or  by  any  person  abroad  to 
whose  knowledge  this  may  come,  as  an  endorsement  of  the  policy  of  the 
British  government.  It  has  nothing  to  do  with  it : but  it  is  a new  tribute 
to  the  strength  and  liberty  of  the  American  people  that  they  will  permit 
a minority  to  say  what  they  please  and  do  what  they  please  on  an  occa- 
sion which  is  simply  a festival.  1 hope,  gentlemen,  that  these  resolves 
will  not  pass. 

Mr.  Whitmore  of  Ward  11,  made  a motion  that  the  matter  be  refer- 
red to  the  Judiciary  Conamittee,  which  was  thoroughly  opposed  by  all  the 
Irishmen  in  the  Council,  and  the  fact  thrown  up  against  him  that  he 
was  the  individual  who  caused  the  lion  and  unicorn  to  remain  on  the 
Old  State  House  at  its  restoration. 

Mr.  Richards— I trust  that  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Ward  12 
will  prevail,  because  I think  it  would  give  time  to  all  the  members  of 
the  Council  to  reflect  upon  what  they  are  doing,  and  to  see'how  unwise 
this  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Ward  7 is,  and  how  ungrateful  it  is 
to  the  reigning  sovereign  of  England,  of  a sovereign  who,  whatever  her 
position  may  have  been  toward  her  subjects,  has  always  behaved 
graciously  toward  the  United  States,  has  always  been  a friend  of 
America : who  was  one  of  the  first  to  come  forward  in  the  day  of  the 
assassination  of  President  Garfield,  and  lay  at  his  tomb  her  little  flower 
from  across  the  ocean.  We  should  not  forget  that  day.  We  should  not 
forget  that  we  are  American  citizens,  and  that  no  Celtic  blood  should 
turn  us  from  our  duties  as  good  American  citizens.  Queen  Victoria  has 
been  a noble  woman,  first  of  all  among  the  sovereigns  of  Europe;  to 
her  should  bo  given  all  praise  for  the  liberal  government  wdiich  she  has . 
made  the  advancement  of  England  possible.  Look  at  her  reign.  See 
how  the  abolition  of  the  corn  laws  first  came  about,  and  then  how,  up  to 
the  present  time,  the  citizens  in  London  and  throughout  all  England 
have  been  more  and  more  enfranchised,  so  that  their  power  to  vote  has 
been  enlarged  and*  increased.  This  meeting  was  in  honor  of  the  50th 
anniversary  of  the  reign  of  Queen  Victoria.  It  was  not  to  commend 
anything  that  the  English  government  had  done.  We  may  pick  flaws 
in  what  that  government  ha«  done  toward  the  Emerald  Isle  and  deplore 
it ; but  still  we  can  honor  the  Queen  of  England  and  Empress  of  India. 
And  who  are  those  that  come  forward  to  make  this  row  about  Faneuil 
Hall?  Are  they  who  suggest  this  action  the  descendants  of  those  who 
fought  in  the  revolution?  Nut  one  bears  an  historic  name  of  that  period. 
It  is  the  men  who  have  come  to  this  country  and  today  make  it  their 
home  after  naturalization.  It  is  not  those  who  were  born  here,  but 
those  who  were  aliens  only  a few  years  ago.  The  city  of  Boston  can 
well  afifurd  to  allow  free  speech  in  Faneuil  Hall,  and  I trust  that  we  shall 
not  be  so  mean,  so  base,  as  to  throw  into  Queen  Victoria’s  face  such  in- 
gratitude as  the  gentleman  from  Ward  7 would  cause  to  be  telegi’aphed 
across  the  ocean. 

Mr.  Sanger— I assume  that  all  of  us  in  this  body  are  in  favor  of  main- 
taining peace  and  order  in  our  beloved  city.  It  seems  to  me  that  the 
introduction  of  this  order  in  this  body,  will  afford  aid  and  encourage- 
ment to  the  anarchistic  element  in  our  community  which  I regret  to  see 
is  so  ripe  for  violence,  and  which  violence  was  only  prevented  by  the 
timely  action  of  the  Board  of  Police.  That  element  is  a very  small 
one,  cowardly,  but  dangerous,  and  they  are  easily  subdued  and  pun- 
ished, as  was  the  case  in  Chicago.  If  this  resolution  is  passed  I believe 
that  that  element  will  claim  and  can  claim  that  they  have  the  assistance 
and  support  of  the  Common  Council  of  the  city  of  Boston  in  their  ne- 
farious schemes.  God  forbid  that  such  a condition  of  affairs  should 
ever  exist  in  this  city.  I hope  the  resolution  will  not  be  passed,  but 
will  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Judiciary. 

The  preamble  and  resolution  were  passed,  yeas  34,  nays  21;  32  of  the 
84  yeas  being  Irishmen, 


54 


British-American  Assocution. 


At  a meeting  held  at  New  Era  Hall,  August  22,  18J  /, 
for  the  purpose  of  naturalizing  British  subjects,  Mr.  Jan  *s 
H.  Stark  was  requested  to  offer  a few  remarks,  during 
which  he  observed  that  it  was  well  to  take  notice  of  the 
fact  that  when  the  vote  was  taken  to  revoke  the  order 
granting  Faneuil  Hall  to  the  British  Society  for  the 
Queen’s  Jubilee  banquet,  that  five  of  the  aldermen  that 
voted  in  our  favor  were  Americans  and  one  Englishman. 
The  six  that  voted  against  us  were  Irish  Roman  Catholics, 
and  he  advised  voting  against  them  every  time  whichever 
party  nominated  them.  This  was  made  a pretext  of  by 
some  of  the  aldermen  for  refusing  the  use  of  Faneuil 
Hall  on  the  evening  of  Sept.  15,  i887,  for  the  purpose 
set  forth  in  the  petition  presented  by  Mr.  Stark.  The 
committee  reported  in  favor  of  granting  the  petition, 
which  brought  forth  the  following  discussion : 

Alderman  Carroll. — Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  a subject 
that  ought  to  receive  from  the  members  of  this  Board  more 
than  a passing  consideration.  It  is  a subject  that  ought  to 
receive  from  them  the  most  serious  consideration,  because  the 
use  of  this  hall  has  been  asked. for  by  men  for  a purpose  that 
is  undemocratic,  unrepublican,  un-nothing  that  is  known,  not 
American,  and  which  is  entirely  against  what  the  institutions 
of  this  country  intended.  They  are  a few  cheap  braggarts  who, 
when  it  came  to  the  test  of  losing  their  lives,  in  order  to  keep 
this  country  together,  were  willing  to  sneak  off  to  Canada, 
England  or  anywhere  else,  and  by  your  historic  roll  at  the 
State  House  you  can  find  out  where  those  braggarts  were 
during  those  times  when  this  country  needed  every  friend  it 
had.  They  were  not  to  be  found  on  the  roll  of  honor,  nor 
where  it  required  men  of  nerve,  soul  and  patriotism.  But.  sir, 
on  that  patriotic  roll  you  will  find  the  names  of  Irish  Catholics, 
fighting  to  support  that  which  they  su'ore  to  support — the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  all  it  meant.  These  men 
are  going  to  hire  the  hall,  dedicated  to  liberty — always  known 
to  be  dedicated  to  liberty — for  what.?  For  the  purpose  of  in- 
structing men  to  vote  against  you,  and  you,  and  you,  and  me, 
and  against  all  other  men  who  have  earned  what  we  have  by 
our  having  the  confidence  of  the  people  whom  we  represent, 
d'hese  men  come  here  and  insult  us,  and  ask  us  to  give  them, 
for  that  purpose,  the  hall  dedicated  to  liberty.  Is  it  so? 
There  it  is  in  black  and  white.  The  man  who  asks  for  it  is 
Mr.  Stark,  an  officer  of  this  organization.  I will  read  what 
he  says  : 

“He  had  found  that  in  other  places  the  spirit  had  taken 
bold,  but  in  Boston  there  ought  to  be  citizens’  ward  and  city 


British-American  Association. 


55 


committees,  and  then  in  a short  time  it  would  be  possible  to 
do  away  with  the  present  misrule.” 

What  misrule?  Today,  I think  the  members  of  this  Board 
will  bear  me  out;  the  executive  head  of  this  city  of  Boston  is 
a man  with  Avhom  I will  differ  when  I do  not  think  he  is  right, 
but  I believe  he  is  to-day  the  most  honored  And  able  executive 
that  has  ever  sat  in  City  Hall.  Is  that  misrule?  It  is  because 
his  name  is  O’Brien,  and  it  is  because  the  name  of  the  chair- 
man of  this  Board  is  Donovan,  and  it  is  because  the  name  of 
president  of  the  Common  Council  is  Barry,  and  it  is  because 
the  City  Clerk’s  name  is  O’Neil.  That  is  the  trouble  with 
these  people,  and  they  are  blind  who  do  not  see  it.  They  are 
going  to  their  own  ruin.  While  others  here  agree  with  me, 
Mr.  Chairman,  they  do  not  think  it  is  policy  to  give  utterance 
to  that  expression.  I don’t  care  what  any  man’s  opinion  is  of 
my  expression.  I am  responsible  for  what  I say,  and  as 
Almighty  God  is  above  me,  I believe  every  word  that  I say. 

And,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  face  of  what  I have  read  here,  as 
an  Irish  Roman  Catholic,  as  an  American  citizen,  with  a full 
knowledge  of  what  that  means,  I think  it  would  be  un-American, 
un-democratic  and  un-republican,  to  allow  the  use  of  Faneuil 
Hall,  that  has  been  dedicated  to  the  word  liberty,  for  the  pur- 
pose explained  and  given  in  that  communication.  It  is  a shame 
and  an  outrage.  They  did  get  the  hall  a little  while  ago  under 
disguise,  but  they  now  come  with  the  thing  plainly  before 
you,  telling  what  they  want,  and  what  they  want  it  for.  And  I 
say  that  I,  as  one  member  of  this  Board,  would  be  unworthy  the 
mother  who  bore  me,  and  unworthy  the  father  that  fathered 
me,  did  I consent  to  give  it  my  vote.  I do  that,  not  only  as  an 
Irish  Roman  Catholic,  but  as  an  American  citizen,  believing  it 
to  be  a disgrace  and  a shame  to  have  a communication  of  that 
kind  to  come  before  the  board  and  receive  favorable  action. 

Alderman  Lee — I will  not  detain  the  gentlemen  long,  but  I 
want  to  say  it  is  folly — the  height  of  ft)lly — on  our  part,  to 
refuse  to  grant  the  use  of  this  hall,  and  it  will  react  on  us  to 
the  bitter  end,  and  it  will  be  many  days  before  we  can  wipe  it 
out,  were  we  to  say  to  these  gentlemen  claiming  to  be  citizens 
of  the  United  .States — and  undoubtedly  the  committee  have  in- 
vestigated and  found  such  to  be  the  fact — and  asking  that  they 
might  have  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall  to  instruct  every  foreigner 
where  and  how  they  can  receive  their  rights  of  citizenship. 

Would  that  the  race  I belong  to  had  resolved  years  and  years 
ago  to  have  taken  that  same  stand,  and  declared  from  the  pub- 
lic platforms  and  instructed  their  people  what  their  rights  we^-e, 
so  that  they  might  have  become  true  and  good  American  citi- 
zens. Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I shall  upon  this  occasion  vote  to 
support  the  report  of  the  committee. 

Alderman  Carroll — From  appearances,  I suppose  this  conver- 
sation must  be  between  the  gentleman  who  has  ju  t taken  his 
seat  and  myself.  While  he  makes  a very  elaborate  argument, 


56 


British-American  Association. 


— Websterian  with  the  finger,  Choate-like  with  the  voice, — he 
has  not  said  anything  that  every  member  of  the  Board  does 
not  understand.  But  he  has  said,  and  I tell  him  so  to  his  face, 
that  which  he  does  not  believe,  and  I mean  what  I say.  When 
he  says  he  believes  they  should  have  the  hall,  it  is  ’possum — it 
is  policy  to  give  them  the  hall.  I believe  they  shouldn’t  have 
the  hall,  and  I say  so.  He  may  call  that  ’possum  or  he  may 
call  it  policy.  I say  an  organization  that  wants  the  hall  for  the 
purposes  they  describe  should  not  have  the  hall. 

I tell  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  this  very  same  organization 
has  gone  even  into  my  district,  and  is  naming  men  who  are 
Englishmen  as  candidates  against  me  on  those  grounds,  because 
I am  opposing  them.  You  would  laugh  at  that,  but  it  is  so,  Mr. 
Chairman.  They  tell  me  I am  going  to  be  beaten  by  an  English- 
man, but  I don’t  believe  it,  and  I don’t  think  the  citizens  of  the 
district  agree  with  them.  The  laugh  may  come  on  somebody 
else— not  on  me.  I say  that  candidly,  as  the  Alderman  appears 
to  laugh.  . 

Aid.  Bromwich — I have  been  listening  to  some  of  t^ese 
wonderful  arguments.  I don’t  know  anything  about  this 
petition,  and  this  is  the  first  I have  heard  of  it.  As  a British 
subject  at  one  time — as  a countrymen  of  the  British  residents, 
I will  put  it,  being  a native  of  the  land — I believe  it  is  necessary 
that  the  Germans,  P'rench,  Irish — I care  not  what  nation- 
ality— should  be  educated  in  the  best  manner  possible  up  to 
the  rights  they  possess  and  which  they  have  a right  to  have 
when  they  become  citizens. 

I have  belonged  to  British  societies  now  for  many  years,  and 
I believe  that  there  are  from  ten  to  twenty'  thousand  British  sub- 
jects in  the  State  who  haven’t  yet  become  citizens  of  this 
country.  I could  give  you  a little  idea  of  this  by  saying  that 
there  are  six  who  have  worked  for  me  for  many  years.  I never 
asked  them  to  become  citizens,  as  I thought  they  would  them- 
selves know  when  it  was  a right  and  proper  time  for  them  to  do 
so.  Their  children  were  born  here;  they  received  their  educa- 
tion here,  and  I thought  at  one  time  it  was  realty  too  bad  for  them 
to  receive  their  education  here  and  not  have  their  children 
trained  up  to  know  something  about  their  rights  when  they  grew 
to  manhood.  I certainly  do  not  think  we  can  afford  to  deny  to 
them,  or  to  any  other  party,  the  use  of  Faneuil  Hall.  I don’t 
think  it  is  right  for  us  to  do  so.  I suppose  that  out  of  the  per- 
haps 500  British  that  I could  name  at  the  present  time  in 
Boston,  two-thirds  of  them  vote  the  contrary  ticket  to  myself, 
and  vote  the  ticket  of  the  honorable  alderman  opposite. 

Alderman  Allen — I don’t  propose  to  take  any  particular 
part  in  the  discussion,  but  I want  to  call  attention  to  the  fact 
that  this  petition  to  which  reference  has  been  made  contains  no 
allusion  to  race,  nationality  or  creed.  It  reads  thus,  and  I 
want  the  citizens  of  Boston  to  understand  the  way  it  does  read; 


British- American  Association. 


57 


Boston,  Aug.  22,  1887. 

To  His  Honor  the  Mayor  and  the  Honorable  Board  of  Aider- 
men  of  the  City  of  Boston. 

We,  the  undersigned  citizens  and  taxpayers  of  the  City  of 
Boston,  petition  your  honorable  body  that  we  may  have  the 
use  of  Faneuil  Hall  Thursday  evening,  Sept.  15,  1887,  for  the 
purpose  of  discussing  the  question  of  naturalizing  aliens  now 
residing  in  the  United  States.  (-Signed) 


James  H.  Stark, 

W.  H.  Weir, 

Wm.  H.  Mitchell, 
John  I.  Loudon, 

A.  Loudon, 

William  Lumb, 

Wm.  D.  Park, 
Robert  L.  Walker, 
Alex.  J.  Wemyss, 
James  B.  Hill, 


L.  II.  Ross, 

Thomas  Christian, 

G.  H.  Devens, 

R.  J.  Grant, 

Joseph  Curtis, 

Joseph  Breckinridge, 
W.  Wallace  Waugh, 
James  Campbell, 

C.  A.  French, 

A.  C.  Howard. 


It  says  nothing  about  creed,  race,  or  religion.  I move  that 
when  the  question  be  taken  on  the  acceptance  of  the  report,  it 
be  taken  by  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Aid.  McLaughlin. — Mr.  Chairman,  there  are  certain  times 
during  a man’s  career  here  in  the  Board  of  Aldermen  when  he 
is  called  upon  to  act,  and  act  with  justice  to  himself.  Now, 
sir,  I come  from  a district  that  contains  a great  number  of  the 
people  who  have  been  so  slanderously  accused  by  the  man  who 
assumes  to  be  chairman  of  that  committee ; and  while,  sir,  I 
would  do  anything  in  my  power,  while  I would  go  out  of  my 
road  to  injure  that  man  and  his  following,  politically  or  in  any 
other  way,  still,  sir,  as  an  American  citizen,  I want  to  tell  those 
people  that,  no  matter  what  their  feelings,  no  matter  what  their 
assertions,  I,  as  one  of  the  members  of  this  Board,  as  one  of  the 
people  they  have  so  slanderously  assaulted  in  the  papers,  do  not 
propose  to  go  into  my  hole.  I am  not  afraid  of  any  member  of 
that  society.  The  people  whom  I represent  and  whose  mere 
mouthpiece  I am  here  today,  in  my  opinion  do  not  fear  them.  I 
think,  and  possibly  I feel,  that  they  should  have  the  hall.  I 
mean  to  give  them  the  hall.  I am  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  state 
my  position  and  state  it  fairly.  I don’t  believe  they  deserve  any 
kind  of  treatment  from  us,  but  when  they  come  in  under  the 
guise  of  American  citizens  and  ask  that  the  temple  of  liberty  be 
opened  that  they  may  preach  and  make  converts  to  our  govern- 
ment, gentlemen,  we  have  no  alternative  but  to  give  them  the 
hall.  It  is  a right  we  cannot  keep  from  them.  As  a class  I 
detest  them.  I hate  their  very  name,  and  I am  safe  to  say  that  I 
would  go  out  of  my  way  at  any  time  to  injure  any  man  who 
would  make  such  an  assertion.  Mr.  Chairman,  I am  going  to 
vote  to  give  them  the  hall. 


58 


British-American  Assocution. 


The  report  was  accepted  and  leave  granted  on  the  usual  con- 
ditions ; yeas  9,  nays  2 : 

Yeas: — Aid.  Allen,  Bromwich,  Donovan,  Haynes,  Lee, 
McLaughlin,  N.  G.  Smith,  C.  VV.  Smith,  Sullivan — 9. 

Najs  — Aid.  Carroll,  Maguire — 2. 

It  will  be  well  to  take  notice  that  the  Alderman  that 
was  the  most  opposed  to  the  granting  of  Faneuil  Hall  each 
time  that  it  was  asked  for,  was  Alderman  William  Carroll. 
In  this  last  bitter  attack,  he  stated  that  “these  braggarts 
sneaked  off  to  Canada,  when  their  lives  were  in  danger, 
and  their  names  are  not  found  on  the  historic  roll  of 
honor  in  the  State  House,”  which  is  needless  to  say  is  a 
false  statement.  Let  us  see  where  his  name  stands  the 
most  prominent.  Judging  from  the  following  statement, 
it  is  likely  to  be  found  on  the  Court-records  instead 
of  the  roll  of  honor  at  the  State  House. 


TAKE  YOUR  CHOICE. 


Men  to  be  Voted  for  next  Tuesday  in  Boston. 

(Record,  Dec.  12,  1885.) 

William  Carroll,  Democrat,  came  to  Boston  from  New 
York,  is  now  an  inspector  in  the  water  department,  having 
been  appointed  under  the  Simmons  administration. 

In  December,  1S73,  one  William  Carroll  was  indicted  by  the 
grand  jury  of  New  York,  for  robbery  in  the  first  degree,  tried, 
convicted,  and  sentenced  by  Recorder  Hackett,  to  20  years  in 
the  State  Prison;  and  was  pardoned  before  entering  upon  his 
sentence.  It  is  alleged  that  this  William  Carroll  is  identical 
with  the  democratic  candidate  for  alderman  in  District  6.  In 
1S76  he  was  indicted  by  the  grand  jury  of  Suffolk  County  with 
one  Thomas  Murphy,  for  larceny.  Murphy  was  sentenced  to 
two  years  in  the  House  of  Correction  ; Carroll  was  bailed,  and 
January,  1877,  he  defaulted.  April  27,  1877,  the  case  was 
placed  on  file,  on  payment  of  one-half  the  costs,  and  in  1883 
it  was  Nol  pressed. 

Since  Carroll  became  Alderman  he  has  been  in  the 
rum  business,  that  being  his  occupation  at  the  present 
time. 


CONSTITUTION 


— OF  — 

The  British -American  Association 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 


ARTICLE  I. 

Section  i.  This  organization  shall  be  known  as 
The  British-American  Association  of  Massachusetts. 

ARTICLE  II. 

Sec.  I.  The  object  of  this  Association  shall  be  to 
unite  within  its  membership  citizens  and  residents  of 
British  birth,  and  their  sons  who  have  or  intend  to 
become  American  citizens. 

Sec.  2.  To  promote  good  feeling  and  harmony  be- 
tween the  governments  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain. 

Sec.  3.  To  encourage  our  people  to  become  American 
citizens,  and  to  intelligently  exercise  the  right  of 
suffrage. 

Sec.  4.  For  the  mutual  improvement  and  protection 
of  its  members  by  a fraternal  interchange  of  thought  upon 
questions  affecting  their  political  interests,  and  to  bring 
its  members  into  social  communion  with  each  other. 

Sec.  5.  To  aid  in  maintaining  order  and  enforcing 
the  laws  of  the  land,  and  to  assist  in  securing  an 
honest  count  of  all  ballots  lawfully  cast  at  Political 
Elections. 

Sec.  6.  To  aid  in  the  election  of  good  men  to  political 
office,  and  the  adoption  of  the  best  principles  as  we 
honestly  understand  them. 


60 


British- American  Association. 


ARTICLE  III. 

GOVERNING  GENERAL  COUNCIL. 

Section  i.  The  executive  body  of  this  Association 
shall  be  known  as  the  General  Council,  to  be  composed 
of  one  ( I ) representative  from  each  Association,  to  be 
elected  annually  the  first  meeting  in  January*,  and  for 
every  additional  Association  established  ; such  Association 
shall  be  represented  in  the  General  Council  by  one 
additional  member.  Any  member  of  the  Association  may 
be  eligible  to  office. 

Sec.  2.  The  officers  of  the  General  Council  shall  be 
President,  twelve  Vice  Presidents,  one  Secretary,  an 
Assistant  Secretary,  and  a Treasurer. 

Sec.  3.  The  duties  of  the  General  Council  shall  be  to 
transact  all  executive  business  of  the  Association ; to 
make,  alter  and  amend  the  Constitution,  and  to  supervise 
the  workings  of  the  Association  toward  advancing  the 
interests  of  the  Association. 

Sec.  4.  To  enquire  into  the  qualifications  of  candi- 
dates seeking  political  office  and  desiring  the  endorsement 
of  the  Association.  Any  member  of  the  Association  may 
be  eligible  to  office. 

Sec.  5.  The  General  Council  shall  have  the  power  to 
make  arrangements  with  regard  to  persons  desiring  die 
support  of  the  Associations,  also  with  political  meetings 
and  conventions,  and  all  business  that  shall  be  deemed 
for  the  best  interests  of  the  Association,  and  report  the 
same  to.  branch  Associations  through  their  delegates. 

Sec.  6.  The  General  Council  shall  hold  its  regular 
meetings  on  the  first  Wednesday  of  January,  April,  July 
and  October,  and  special  meetings  may  be  called  by  the 
President  or  Secretary  for  the  transaction  of  important 
business  affecting  the  Association. 

Sec.  7.  All  questions  of  a parliamentary  character  not 
especially  provided  for  herein  shall  be  decided  according 
to  the  rules  laid  down  in  Cushing’s  Manual. 


British-American  Association. 


61 


BRANCH  ASSOCIATIONS. 


ARTICLE  I. 

GOVERNING  SUBORDINATE  ASSOCIATIONS. 

Section  i.  Subordinate  Associations  of  Boston  Asso- 
ciation shall  be  instituted  by  the  Organizers  appointed 
by  said  Association  until  the  election  of  the  General 
Council  by  the  Branch  Associations  on  the  first  regular 
meeting  in  January,  1888. 

Sec.  3.  The  Officers  of  Subordinate  Associations  shall 
be  President,  Vice-President,  Secretary',  Assistant  Secretary 
and  Treasurer,  all  of  whom  shall  be  elected  at  its  first 
regular  meeting,  and  m the  month  of  January  in  each  year 
thereafter. 

Sec.  3.  Each  Subordinate  Association  shall  be  en- 
titled to  elect  one  delegate  to  the  General  Council 
annually  at  the  first  regular  rneeting  in  January  of  each 
year  thereafter. 

Sec.  4.  The  Constitution  of  the  General  Council  shall 
govern  all  wherever  applicable. 

Sec.  5.  The  initiation  fee  of  this  Association  shall  be 
25  cents  or  more  at  the  option  of  the  members,  and  the 
monthly  dues,  if  any,  shall  be  not  less  than  five  cents  nor 
more  than  fifteen  cents. 

ARTICLE  II. 

Section  i.  The  duties  of  the  President  shall  be  to 
preside  at  all  meetings,  preserve  order,  and  perform  such 
duties  as  pertain  to  the  presiding  officer. 

Section  2.  The  duties  of  the  Vice-President  shall  be 
to  assist  the  President,  and  in  his  absence  perform  the 
duties  of  his  office. 

Section  3.  The  duties  of  the  Secretary  shall  be  to 
keep  correct  minutes  of  all  meetings,  keep  correct 
accounts  of  all  moneys  received,  pay  the  same  over  to 
the  Treasurer,  taking  his  receipt  for  the  same,  keep  a roll 


62 


British-American  Association. 


call  of  all  members,  and  perform  such  duties  as  pertain  to 
his  office. 

Section  4.  The  Treasurer  shall  keep  a correct  ac- 
count of  all  moneys  collected  and  paid  over  to  him  by 
the  Secretary,  pay  out  only  on  the  order  of  the  President 
countersigned  by  the  Secretary. 

ARTICLE  111. 

Section  i.  Any  male  person  18  years  of  age  or  more, 
who  is  of  British  nativity,  or  the  son  of  either,  who  is  or 
who  intends  to  become  an  American  citizen,  who  is  of 
good  moral  character,  shall  be  eligible  to  membership. 

Section  2.  Candidates  may  be  elected  by  acclamation 
or  by  a majority  vote.  When  a candidate  presents  him- 
self for  election,  the  President  shall  forthwith  appoint  a 
committee  of  three  to  hear  any  objections  and  investigate 
the  same.  The  report  of  said  committee  to  be  final. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

RULES  OF  ORDER. 

Sechon  I.  I.  Reading  of  minutes.  2.  Proposition 
for  Election  of  Candidates.  3.  Reports  of  Committees. 
4.  Communications  and  Bills.  5.  Unfinished  Business. 
6.  New  Business.  7.  Election  of  Officers.  8.  Good 
of  the  Order.  9.  Report  of  Secretarv  and  Treasurer. 
10.  Adjournment. 


ARTICLE  V. 

AMENDMENTS. 

Section  i.  By-laws  maybe  enacted  or  amended, which 
do  not  conflict  with  the  Constitution,  by  serving  notice  in 
writing  at  least  one  meeting  before  final  action  shall  be 
taken  and  by  an  affirmative  vote  of  the  members  present. 


British-American  Association. 


63 


LAW  ON  NATURALIZATION. 

1.  He  must  be  included  in  one  of  the  three  following 
classes,  namely:  “aliens,  being  free  white  persons,” 

aliens  of  African  nativity,”  and  “persons  of  African  de- 
scent.” 

2.  He  must  have  resided  within  tlie  United  States 
“for  the  continued  term  of  five  years  next  preceding.” 

3.  He  must  have  resided  for  one  year  at  least  within 
the  State. 

Exception. — If  the  applicant  has  been  honorably  dis- 
charged from  the  armies  of  the  United  States. 

A person  who  desires  to  be  naturalized  must  make 
application  to  the  Circuit  or  District  Court  of  the  United 
States,  to  the  Supreme  or  Superior  Court  of  this  State  in 
the  county  within  which  such  court  is  held,  or  to  a Muni- 
cipal, Police,  or  District  Court  of  this  State  established 
for  the  district  in  which  the  applicant  resides. 

If  the  applicant  was  over  eighteen  years  of  age  when  he 
came  to  the  United  States,  he  must,  two  years  at  least 
prior  to  his  naturalization,  file  before  one  of  said  courts,  or 
with  the  clerk  thereof,  a declaration  of  his  intention  to 
become  a citizen.  This  constitutes  what  is  known  as 
“taking  out  his  first  papers.” 

If  the  applicant  was  under  eighteen  years  of  ^ge  when 
he  came  to  the  United  States,  and  has  continued  to  reside 
here  up  to  the  time  of  his  application,  he  may,  after  he 
has  reached  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  be  admitted  to 
citizenship  without  having  made  any  preliminary  declara- 
tion of  intention. 

In  tie  nmtel  States  Courts  tie  folMng  Rnles  are  Enforcel : 

Each  applicant,  upon  making  his  final  application,  must 
bring  with  him  before  the  clerk  of  the  court  two  witnesses, 
both  citizens  of  the  United  States,  who  must  be  prepared 
to  swear  that  they  have  known  him  for  five  years,  and 
that  he  has  during  that  time  conducted  himself  as  a man 
of  good  moral  character. 

The  applicant  must  bring  with  him  his  “ first  paper,”  if 
he  has  taken  out  any ; and,  if  he  is  a soldier,  he  must 
bring  his  discharge. 


BOSTON  COLLEGE 


Ill 

III 

III 

III  1 

131 

03- 

CD 

5615 

64 


90 

British-American  Association. 

TO  THE  PUBLIC. 


It  must  be  evident  to  everyone  that  money  is  required  to 
carry  on  this  movement.  Printing  and  stationery  must  be 
paid  for,  also  rent,  clerk  hire,  travelling  expenses  for  speakers 
and  many  other  incidentals,  too  numerous  to  mention.  One 
thing  especially  we  desire,  and  that  is,  to  print  this  pamphlet 
in  great  quantities  and  scatter  them  broadcast  throughout  the 
land,  from  Maine  to  California;  let  this  be  our  campaign  doc- 
ument, and  the  seed  it  sows  shall  bring  forth  a rich  harvest. 

This  movement  for  good  government  has  been  started  in 
Boston,  not  by  professional  politicians  or  demegogues,  but 
by  a few  earnest,  hard-working  business  men,  who  have  devo- 
ted their  time  and  money  to  the  cause  in  the  most  liberal 
manner,  and  now  they  call  on  the  public  for  aid  and  assist- 
ance in  this  great  movement. 

If  vje  can  receive  the  aid  and  encouragement  we  require^ 
we  can  make  enough  new  voters  who  will  vote  in  the  interest 
of  good  government,  ajid  who  will  redeetn  the  cities  now 
under  the  rule  of  a class  that  is  a 7nenace  to  the  stability  of 
th is  govern inen t. 

Mayor  O’Brien’s  majority  last  year  in  Boston  was  but  little  over 
4000,  and  many  Americans  voted  for  him  that  will  not  again. 

If  this  work  is  pushed  we  can  make  over  5000  new  voters  in 
Boston  inside  of  two  years. 

According  to  the  last  census  there  were  more  emigrants 
latided  in  the  United  States  from  Englajid,  Scotlajid  and 
Wales  iha/t  fro7ti  aiiy  other  country. 

Persons  who  desire  to  contribute  to  the  good  of  this  cause  can 
do  so  by  sending  contributions.  Address  “ Finance  Committee,” 
British-American  Association,  care  of  James  Wemyss,  Jr.,  82 
Canal  street,  Boston,  and  the  receipt  of  same  will  be  ac- 
knowledged by  the  treasurer,  James  PI.  Stark.  It  is  probably 
needless  here  to  remark  that  the  statement  so  often  made  by  our 
enemies  that  it  is  “ British  gold  ” that  is  back  of  this  movement 
is  false.  Every  dollar  that  has  been  spent  in  this  cause  so  far 
has  been  the  voluntary  contributions  of  individuals  whose  sole 
aim  and  object  has  been  to  promote  the  cause  of  good  govern- 
ment. 


Address  all  conimiinieations  to  Headquarters, 
53  TEMPLE  PLAt  E,  BOSTON, 

A.  G.  THOMPSON, 
Secretary. 


